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BASIC RESEARCH REPORT

Number 2001.2, November 2001


Disease by Design:
De-mystifying the Biological Weapons Debate

By Michael Crowley

Forward

By Ambassador James F Leonard

The effort to prevent a catastrophic misuse of biological science has been under way for almost a century now, and an optimistic assessment of the distance still to be travelled suggests that we may perhaps have reached a mid point on that road. The gravity of the danger was foreseen by some scientific and political leaders even before World War I. In 1925, an initial arms control agreement was reached, the Geneva Protocol prohibiting the use of both chemical and biological weapons. Just fifty years later the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention banning possession of biological weapons was brought  into force. Another twenty-five years and the international community seems to be stalled in its effort to strengthen that bare-bones treaty with verification and enforcement machinery.

Viewed from one angle, the American repudiation, in July 2001, of the six-year effort to bolster the 1975 treaty with a Protocol is profoundly discouraging. But viewed in a broader, longer perspective, the events of this year, including the upcoming Fifth Review Conference, may in time be seen as the beginning of a wider search for international and national rules and procedures to forestall abuses of biology, the most dynamic science of the Twenty-First Century.

The draft Protocol is an admirable effort, and the international community will certainly return to it, perhaps soon, perhaps later. But even if the Protocol were at this moment on the road to early and universal acceptance, large problems would remain. The regrettable pause in negotiations that we now face should be utilised both by governments and by outside observers for a searching examination of additional paths toward our objective. Can national legislation be made more universal and more effective? Can scientific associations do more to detect and block possible ‘mad bombers’ among their members? Can the pharmaceutical industry be persuaded that it need not fear carefully structured investigations? Are there ways that bio-defence programmes can enhance confidence that they are not a cover for offensive activities? Can the 1975 treaty be made truly universal? Can agreed Confidence Building Measures be re-energised and broadened? The answer to each of these questions is yes, and this is far from an exhaustive list of such opportunities.

We hear much these days about ‘coalitions of the willing’. At BASIC we urge our friends and colleagues, despite their disappointment and even indignation, to mobilise just such a coalition. 11 September and its anthrax aftermath demand at least this from each of us.

James F Leonard was US Ambassador to the UN Conference on Disarmament and served as the lead US negotiator for the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC).


Table of Contents:

Forward

Executive summary

Acronyms and abbreviations

Part 1: The threat of biological weapon proliferation and use

Section 1: Introduction
Section 2: Historical perspectives
Section 3: Growing a bomb
Section 4: The effects and military significance of biological weapons and the development of asymmetric warfare
Section 5: The proliferation of biological weapons

Part 2: The national and international control architecture

Section 6: The response by governments to biological weapon proliferation and use
Section 7: National programmes for combating biological weapon attacks
Section 8: Development of the Protocol to the BTWC
Section 9: Opportunities at the Fifth Review Conference of the BTWC
Section 10: Conclusions

Appendix

Appendix 1: Lists of States Parties to the BTWC
Appendix 2: Biological weapon resource list

Appendix 3: Anthrax attacks in the United States

Endnotes


Executive summary

What are bio-weapons?
Biological weapons (BW) spread disease among humans, animals or plants. These diseases occur when the target population is exposed to and infected by living micro-organisms. These micro-organisms multiply, and, after a short incubation period, the symptoms of the disease become apparent. In some cases, micro-organisms produce toxins – non-living toxic chemicals – that cause symptoms. Depending upon the biological agent chosen, the resulting disease can cause incapacitation or death. Possible biological agents include: bacteria such as those causing anthrax, plague or tularaemia; viruses causing smallpox and ebola; rickettsiae causing Q-fever and typhus; or toxins such as that from Clostridium botulinum, which causes botulism. There are also a number of fungal pathogens such as potato blight and cereal rust that can be used to destroy crops.

A short history of biological warfare
The use of disease as a weapon of war is nothing new. In 1346, for example, the bodies of Tartar soldiers who had died of the plague were thrown over the walls of the besieged city of Kaffa to infect the populace within. However, it was only after the discoveries of Koch, Pasteur and Lister into the microbial basis of infectious disease in the 19th Century, that bio-weapon research really began to become systematised.

Despite the signing of the Geneva Protocol in 1925 banning offensive use of bio-weapons, a number of European countries developed them during the 1930s and 1940s. However, to date the only fully documented modern use of biological weapons has been that of Japan’s attacks against China during the Second World War. In the immediate post war period at least three countries – the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and the United States – are known to have continued large, ambitious programmes of biological weapons development, building on their war-time work.

On 25 November 1969, US President Nixon announced the unilateral and unconditional renunciation of biological weapons. The UK government had previously closed down its offensive bio-weapons programme in the early 1960s. Washington’s action led to the negotiation of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC). The treaty did not prohibit defensive research and development programmes, and the United States and other countries have continued activities such as producing vaccines, antivirals and antibiotics to protect their citizens. However, the former Soviet Union continued to carry out a massive covert offensive biological weapons research and development programme, even after it ratified the BTWC. Though this programme officially ended in 1992, concerns about covert offensive Russian activities persist. During the 1990s evidence also came to light of the secret biological weapons programmes run by Iraq and the Apartheid regime in South Africa.

How great is the threat today?
Because the technology required for biological weapons production can be relatively easily obtained and camouflaged by states, the true number of bio-weapon producers and possessors and the extent of holdings is unknown. Publicly available information is scarce. However, unclassified US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) reports released in 2001 state that Iran, Iraq, Libya, North Korea and Syria were among states suspected of possessing or seeking to possess offensive biological weapons.

As well as the potential danger from states, there is also growing concern about the possibility of bio-terrorism by non-state actors. Following a nerve gas attack on the Tokyo underground in 1995 by the Aum Shinrikyo religious cult and the discovery of its biological weapons programme, a number of governments, most notably the US administration, invested additional resources in fighting bio-terrorism and developing bio-defence capabilities.

Public fear of bio-terrorism, fuelled by ill-informed media reports, has grown following the 11 September 2001 events and the subsequent anthrax letter attacks in the United States. However, such public alarm, based upon inadequate risk and threat assessments, can lead to over-reaction and the development of counter-productive policies by governments put under pressure to act. This in turn can facilitate the growth of bio-hoaxes, fuelling further fear.

Building a web of re-assurance
To combat effectively the threat of biological weapons proliferation and use, whether by state or non-state actors, the international community must construct a web of re-assurance – an interconnecting network of national and international initiatives – to re-assure governments and their citizens that such weapons are totally prohibited and, if ever used, will have minimal effect.

At the heart of such a web of re-assurance lies a good national health care system and an effective disease detection and medical response programme. These should be coupled with resources for intelligence, anti-terrorism, civil bio-defence and emergency response programmes. However, no single government will be able, by itself, to totally protect its citizens from the nightmare of biological terrorism or warfare by these means alone. The best defence against biological weapons attack is to prevent terrorists, or more importantly states, from acquiring bio-weapons or their components in the first place.

Countries must exercise the political determination to establish and enforce stringent multilateral controls on the transfer of biotechnology and must protect the absolute international prohibition on the development and use of biological weapons as enunciated in the BTWC.

Biological weapons prohibition endangered
The BTWC, which was opened for signature in 1972, prohibits the development, production and stockpiling of bio-weapons by States Parties. It was the first ever arms control convention to completely ban a whole class of weapons. But it had no mechanisms for monitoring or verifying compliance.

Seeking to address this omission, States Parties began to negotiate a legally binding Protocol to the BTWC in 1995. Over the next six years, the international deliberations focused on concrete measures to ensure that states comply with and respect the BTWC. Yet on 25 July 2001 the US Government not only rejected the draft Protocol text, but went further by also rejecting the entire ‘approach’ of the Protocol. The US announcement was the precursor to the complete collapse of the negotiations and effectively stalled the Protocol process.

From 19 November until 7 December 2001, States Parties to the BTWC will meet in Geneva at the Fifth Review Conference to assess the health of the BTWC, address potential weaknesses of interpretation of the Convention and review scientific and biotechnological developments. This is a critical time for arms control advocates who should act now to protect the biological weapons control regime.

Reinforcing the bio-weapon prohibition:  the way forward
BASIC calls on the international community to:

  • Use the forthcoming BTWC Review Conference to reaffirm its determination to maintain and rigorously enforce the existing norm prohibiting possession of bio-weapons, and press for universal adherence to the BTWC.

  • Establish an interim BTWC Oversight Committee and secretariat to promote adherence to the BTWC and to aid implementation of the politically binding Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) agreed at previous Review Conferences.

  • Continue the Protocol negotiations, utilising the existing draft text as the basis for talks. Such negotiations must have a clear timeframe for completion.

  • Develop a legal framework to ensure that breaches of the BTWC by individuals or groups are treated as an international crime.


Acronyms and Abbreviations:

AG: Australia Group
AHG: Ad Hoc Group
BTWC: Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention
CBM: Confidence Building Measures
CBW: Chemical and Biological Weapons
CDC: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
CIA: Central Intelligence Agency
CONPLAN: Interagency Domestic Terrorism Concept of Operations Plan
CTR: Cooperative Threat Reduction Programme
CWC: Chemical Weapons Convention
DNA: Deoxyribo-Nucleic Acid
DoD: Department of  Defense
DoJ: Department of Justice
EU: European Union
FAO: Swedish Defence Research Establishment
FBI: Federal Bureau of Investigation
FDA: Food and Drug Administration
FEMA: Federal Emergency Management Agency
GAO: General Accounting Office
HGP: Human Genome Project
HHS: Department of Health and Human Services
IAEA: International Atomic Energy Agency
NAC: North Atlantic Council
NAM: Non-aligned Movement
NATO: North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
NGO: Non-Governmental Organisation
NPT: Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
OPBW: Organisation for the Prohibition of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons
OPCW: Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons
PhRMA: Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers Association of America
TRC: Truth and Reconciliation Commission
UN: United Nations
UNMOVIC: United Nations Monitoring and Inspection Commission
UNSCOM: United Nations Special Commission in Iraq
VEREX: Ad Hoc Group of Governmental Experts to examine verification measures
WHO: World Health Organisation
WMD: Weapons of Mass Destruction


Part I:
The Threat of Biological Weapon Proliferation and Use

*****

Section 1:  Introduction

The terrible events of 11 September 2001, which resulted in the death of over 6,000 men, women and children in New York, Washington and Pennsylvania, have stunned the world. In the shadow of those dreadful acts, we are now trying to come to terms with a world that we view as much less safe than it seemed two months ago – a world where determined terrorists can take the lives of thousands of people in an instant.

In the weeks that followed, public shock and sadness subsequently turned to widespread alarm in the United States and elsewhere following the discovery that letters containing anthrax had been delivered to US politicians and media workers. The source of this biological attack is to date, unknown. But the fear it has engendered around the world is palpable. Reports are multiplying that terrorists might be able to obtain even more deadly biological weapons, such as plague or smallpox, or that ‘rogue states’ might be mass producing such material in secret laboratories. How true are these reports? What is the real danger of terrorists killing the population of a city with anthrax or of a state unleashing germ warfare upon the world? What can the international community do to prevent such catastrophes?

In the past much governmental and journalistic discourse on biological weapons and warfare has been ill-informed, often apocalyptic hype based on scant data. This report attempts to present the basic facts, while acknowledging the substantial uncertainties that continue to cloud the subject.

It is intended to be an introduction for policy makers, journalists, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the public into the realities of biological weapons – assessing the true dangers of the proliferation and possible use of such weapons and analysing existing control mechanisms and current initiatives by the international community to deal with this threat.

By providing this report, BASIC is hoping to open up the policy debate around biological weapons which at present is restricted to a trusted circle of government officials, academics and policy analysts. BASIC believes that the issues of biological warfare, bio-terrorism and strategies for the effective enforcement of the prohibition against possession of biological weapons are vitally important ones for our times.

The report is divided into two parts. The first part outlines the history of biological weapons and attempts to give an indication of the threat today from biological weapons proliferation and possible use by state or non-state actors. The second part is concerned with the mechanisms the international community employs (or should in future employ) to combat biological weapons proliferation and prevent use. Although this part contains a brief overview of disease detection and bio-defence, it is primarily concerned with the international control architecture for the existing ban on bio-weapons development, stockpiling or use. In particular, the report examines opportunities and challenges for the international community at the Fifth Review Conference of the Biological and Toxin Weapon Convention, which takes place in November and December 2001.

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Section 2:  Historical perspectives

Biological warfare is commonly defined as the deliberate spreading of disease amongst humans, animals or plants. These diseases occur when the target population is exposed to an infection by living micro-organisms. The micro-organisms multiply, and after a short incubation period, the symptoms of the disease become apparent. In some cases, micro-organisms produce toxins – non-living toxic chemicals – that cause symptoms. Such toxins, e.g. botulinum toxin, can be used directly as weapons agents, in which case the producing micro-organism, Clostridium botulinum, does not have to come into contact with the target population. Depending upon the biological agent, the resulting disease can cause incapacitation or death of the target population.

Biological warfare is not new.[1]  Its use dates back as far as the 6th Century BC when Solon of Athens used the herb hellebore to poison the enemy water supply during the siege of Krissa. Similarly in 1346, the bodies of Tartar soldiers who had died of the plague were thrown over the walls of the besieged city of Kaffa (now Fedossia in the Crimea) to infect the populace within. The Russians were also said to have used the bodies of plague victims to provoke an outbreak of the disease among the enemy during their 1710 war with Sweden. And in the 1767 French and Indian War in North America, both the English and French forces used blankets infected with the smallpox virus to spread the disease amongst the native population.

It was only after the discoveries of Koch, Pasteur and Lister on the microbial basis of infectious disease in the 19th Century, that bio-weapon research really began in earnest. And research led to at least one substantial instance of use. Detailed evidence exists of a Japanese biological weapons programme between 1937 and 1945. The Japanese Military Unit 731 at Ping Fang in Manchuria experimented extensively with bio-weapons, allegedly killing thousands of prisoners of war with anthrax, cholera, plague, dysentery and other infectious agents. They also released plague on the Chinese civilian population of Chekiang Province on several occasions by dropping laboratory grown infected fleas from airplanes.[2]  There have also been unconfirmed allegations that during World War II, Tularaemia was used by Soviet troops against German forces in the Battle of Stalingrad.[3] 

History shows that as the technology around microbiology, genetics and biotechnology has advanced and spread so has the capacity for biological weapon development. In this regard, the practioners of the biological sciences seem to be following their colleagues in other fields.

"Every major technology – metallurgy, explosives, internal combustion, aviation, electronics, nuclear energy – has been intensively exploited, not only for peaceful purposes but also for hostile ones. Must this also happen with biotechnology, certain to be a dominant technology of the twenty-first century?….At present, we appear to be approaching a crossroads – a time that will test whether biotechnology, like all major predecessor technologies, will come to be intensively exploited for hostile purposes or whether instead our species will find the collective wisdom to take a different course."[4]

The dangers of proliferation and possible use of biological weapons by both states and non-state actors will be addressed in subsequent sections. First, we examine the processes for manufacturing such weapons; in effect how bombs are grown.

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Section 3:  Growing a bomb

There are five essential requirements that must be mastered in order to produce biological agents. These are:

  • Obtaining an appropriate strain of the disease pathogen;

  • Knowing how to handle the strain correctly and safely;

  • Knowing how to grow the strain in a way that will produce the appropriate

  • characteristics;

  • Knowing how to store the strain, and to scale-up production properly; and

  • Knowing how to disperse the strain properly.[5] 

None of these requirements is easily met, even with substantial resources and highly trained personnel.

3.1 Types of agents
Biological agents which potentially may be used as weapons can be classified as follows: [6] 

(i)Bacteria are single-cell organisms that cause diseases such as anthrax, plague, and tularaemia. Bacteria vary greatly in their level of lethality and infectivity. Although many pathogenic bacteria are susceptible to antibiotic drugs, strains can be selected by classical (non-genetic engineering) methods that are resistant to antibiotics and occur naturally. Bacteria can be readily grown in artificial media using facilities similar to those found in the brewery industry.

(ii)Viruses are organisms which require living cells in which to replicate utilising many of the host cells biosynthetic process. They must therefore be grown on living tissue. Viruses can infect animals, crops and humans. They produce diseases which do not respond to antibiotics. Some antiviral compounds are available, though of limited use. Among the disease-producing viruses are smallpox, ebola, foot-and-mouth disease and venezuelan equine encephalitis.

(iii) Rickettsiae are similar to bacteria in structure and form possessing metabolic enzymes and cell membranes, but like viruses are intracellular parasites, requiring host cells in order to replicate. They are susceptible to broad-spectrum antibiotics. Diseases caused by rickettsiae include Q-fever, typhus and Rocky Mountain spotted fever.

(iv) Fungi occur in great variety in nature. Relatively few species appear to have potential for deliberate use against humans. Allegations however do persist over the use of Trichothecene (T2) Mycotoxin Yellow Rain’ as a biological weapon by Soviet forces in South East Asia, although these are unconfirmed and are disputed by independent scientific research. Many fungal pathogens can be used to destroy crops, e.g. potato blight and cereal rust.

(v) Chlamydia are obligatory intracellular parasites incapable of generating their own energy source. Originally classified as viruses and now as a form of bacteria, they are responsive to broad-spectrum antibiotics. Like viruses, they require living cells for multiplication. Diseases caused by chlamydia include trachoma and forms of pneumonia and venereal disease.

(vi) Toxins are the non-living products of micro-organisms (e.g. botulinum toxin and Staphylococcal enterotoxin B), plants (e.g. ricin from castor beans) or living creatures (e.g. saxitoxin from shellfish). Toxins can also be produced by chemical synthesis. Toxins, like chemical warfare agents, can only affect those directly exposed to the toxin and cannot produce transmissible diseases. Because they are not living organisms, producing a large quantity of toxins requires more time than would be needed to make a similar quantity of other biological agents. However, toxins may be produced in militarily significant quantities by the new genetic engineering technologies. Toxins may be countered by specific anti-sera and selected pharmacological agents.

3.2 Agent production
When compared to the cost of a nuclear weapons program, biological weapons are in theory extremely cheap. In one analysis, the comparative cost to incur civilian (unprotected) casualties is "$2,000 per square kilometre with conventional weapons, $800 with nuclear weapons, $600 with nerve-gas weapons, and $1 with biological weapons".[7] The costs of establishing a biological weapons program are being reduced further by advances in microbiology and biotechnology.

Analysts have long asserted that certain forms of biological and toxin weapons are also easier to produce than either chemical or nuclear weapons. Certain biological agents can be found in nature, for example in the carcasses of animals that have died from disease or in soil or contaminated food. However, isolation and growth of such agents are not without dangers and difficulties. For states, the facilities and technical knowledge needed for producing biological and toxin agents are relatively simple and inexpensive – fermenters and an understanding of growth media – and relatively few people would be required to run a small biological weapons agent plant. Moreover, the technology and know-how needed to manufacture biological weapons agents is almost entirely dual-use, with legitimate application in fields such as medicine, cosmetics, brewing and biotechnology.

However, there has been a tendency in the media and by certain government officials to underestimate the resources and skills needed to manufacture an effective bio-weapon.

For example, in seminar presentations a few years ago, former CIA Director James Woolsey asserted that "a B-plus high school chemistry student" could produce biological agents, and at a January 2000 meeting described producing biological agents as being "about as difficult as producing beer".[8] 

Bio-warfare agents are deadly, but they are also labile and difficult to deliver to their intended target. It took years of experimentation and huge financial investment before the US and Soviet programmes succeeded in developing effective means of stabilisation and delivery. Whilst such processes may be well within the means of states, the likelihood of non-state actors weaponising biological agents on any large scale is small.

At a meeting on ‘Bio-terrorism in the United States’, Jerome Hauer, former Director of the Office of Emergency Management for New York City, declared that: "Most of the agents are not readily available. Most of the agents are not easy to make, and most of the agents are not easy to disperse."[9]  It should be noted that Aum Shinrikyo, the one non-state grouping that had anything like the resources to develop a biological weapons program, failed at all stages of their endeavours to grow a bomb (see the case study in section 5.3).

3.3 Delivery systems
Effective dissemination is challenging because the biological agent is a living organism that has to survive until it reaches the target. If bombs or rockets are employed to deliver the agent, explosives will be used to disperse the agent into the atmosphere. The detonation of the explosive produces heat and shock, which can kill the living micro-organisms. Dispersion by a spray system is less damaging to the agent than an explosive delivery system, although both are technically challenging if the necessary particle sizes are to be achieved. Once it has been dispersed into the atmosphere, the agent is exposed to the natural environment (e.g. ambient temperature and sunlight), which can in time, perhaps rapidly, cause the micro-organism to die.[10]  Weaponising an agent therefore requires knowledge in aero-biology – the science of the behaviour of biological organisms in the air.

It has been argued that for terrorist purposes, a sophisticated delivery system may not be required. As long as the required particle size has been achieved, biological agents can, at least in theory, be disseminated by crosswinds with few, if any, indications of hostile intent.

The United States carried out open-air tests in the 1950s and 1960s with biological simulants to evaluate US vulnerability to a biological weapon attack. Bacillus globigii was frequently used because of its similarities to Bacillus anthracis, the agent that causes anthrax. These tests showed that the wind would carry the agent some distance downwind before it lost its toxic potential.

Commercially available equipment, such as agricultural sprayers, may in theory be used to attack broad area targets. A single aircraft, for example, flying across the wind could disseminate a line of source agent approximately 200 kilometres long to infect an area of some 200 square kilometres downwind. Or a vehicle driven across the wind could be used to disperse the agent in a similar manner over a proportionately smaller area. However, when the Aum Shinrikyo cult tried such vehicle dispersal they failed. They equipped a van with a fan and specialized vents and drove it on the streets of Tokyo, attempting to release botulinum toxin. No one was harmed as a result of this test drive.[11] 

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Section 4:  The effects and military significance of biological weapons and the development of asymmetric warfare

One of the questions most frequently asked about any military capability is: to what extent does it constitute a militarily significant threat? When it comes to biological agents, there is no simple answer to that question. Once a pathogen infects its target population, all biological agents (except toxins) multiply inside the host. Small amounts – just a few micro-organisms of a biological agent – may therefore suffice to devastate a crop, a herd of animals or a city’s inhabitants, if the right quantity of agent is delivered precisely to the target population. In practice, however, the quantity of agent needed to create the intended effect is vastly larger than the effective dose to an individual because only a small fraction of the agent disseminated is inhaled or ingested by the target population. [12] 

The militarily significant quantity of agent depends on the concept of operations envisaged for the use of biological weapons – single overt attack, single covert attack or multiple simultaneous attacks of either type. Biological weapons are seen as strategic in nature, because their impact extends beyond the battlefield. They are considered weapons of mass destruction because under optimal conditions if all the significant problems over production and delivery can be overcome they could, in theory, cause massive casualties. However, to execute an attack on a significant military target, such as a port or an air base, using a missile or an aircraft with a dissemination system, it has been asserted that at least 100 kilograms of agent would be needed.[13] In a theoretical scenario, with a single aircraft leaving a trail of 100 kilograms of anthrax along a line upwind of Washington, D.C., it is claimed that 1 to 3 million deaths could result. In comparison, a one megaton hydrogen bomb dropped over the US capital would ‘only’ cause some 0.5 to 1.9 million deaths.[14] 

Doubt has, however, been cast upon predictions of infection, morbidity and fatality that may arise from such biological attacks. A scenario published in the SIPRI Yearbook 2000, based upon sophisticated computer modelling describes the effects of a cult disseminating anthrax over a busy shopping centre in central Tokyo. The agent is of a type and quantity similar to the anthrax that was accidentally released from a military microbiology facility in Sverdlovsk in 1979.[15] Given realistic conditions, about 20-30,000 people could be exposed to the cloud of spores. However, only around 300 people concentrated in a relatively narrow area would be infected. Fatalities would depend on how soon the agent was identified and treatment begun. This contrasts with the predictions that such an attack would result in mass casualties over large areas. Such an incident would nevertheless place a heavy burden on the authorities in terms of medical response and decontamination.

If disease detection and bio-defence/emergency services were prepared to treat the approximately 30,000 exposed people with antibiotics within a few days after the incident, the consequences would be limited. Without any medical treatment most of the 300 people would die. Different environmental conditions or choice of a highly contagious agent would place different pressures on the response services.[16]  A highly contagious agent such as smallpox would present a far more serious medical problem, perhaps even a catastrophe.

Despite the disagreement of likely effectiveness, the quantity-to-effect ratio, in theory, elevates biological agents to the class of strategic weapons, whether the pathogens are used against humans, crops or livestock. Consequently, military and civilian leaders the world over regard biological weapons with a great deal of apprehension. "The one that scares me to death, perhaps even more so than tactical nuclear weapons, and the one we have less capability against is biological weapons," said Gen. Colin Powell, then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.[17] 

It is important here to underline that, in terms of mass casualties, the principal threat of biological weapon development and use comes not from the terrorist brewing bio-weapons in the bathtub. The real and present danger lies with the proliferation of bio-weapons programmes among states (as discussed in section 5.2).

Given their relative affordability and effectiveness, some small or less developed countries may regard biological weapons as an ‘equalizer’ capable of compensating for inadequacies in their conventional forces and offsetting the otherwise superior military strength of an opponent. Many commentators see them as the ‘poor man’s atom bomb’, a weapon to be used in today’s new asymmetric warfare.[18]  In January 2001, then US Secretary of Defence William Cohen phrased the new paradigm thus:

At the dawn of the 21st Century, the United States now faces what could be called the Superpower Paradox. Our unrivalled supremacy in the conventional military is prompting adversaries to seek unconventional asymmetric means to strike what they perceive as our Achilles heel.[19] 

This danger had been recognised by the US military in 1997 in the US Quadrennial Defence Review which stated: "In particular, the threat or use of chemical or biological weapons (CBW) is a likely condition of future warfare, including the early stages of war to disrupt U.S. operations and logistics…. Indeed, US dominance in the conventional military arena may encourage adversaries to use such asymmetric means to attack our forces and interests overseas and Americans at home". [20]  The latest Quadrennial Defence Review, released on 1 October 2001, chillingly adds: "On September 11, 2001, enemies of the US demonstrated the capability to carry out large scale, non-conventional attacks against the US homeland; asymmetric attack against the sovereignty of the US became a reality".[21] 

4.1 Advances in biotechnology and the development of tomorrows’ biological weapons [22] 
On 5 August 1970, Nobel Laureate Joshua Lederberg told an informal meeting of the UN Conference of the Committee on Disarmament a stark truth, that: "the potential undoubtedly exists for the design and development of infective agents against which no credible defence is possible, through the genetic and chemical manipulation of these agents".[23]  The techniques that would allow the genetic manipulation of biological agents began to be developed in earnest in the 1970s and have become known as recombinant DNA technology or genetic engineering. They involve the transferring of genetic material between organisms and species, allowing dramatic changes to be made in the characteristics of the recipient.

Genetic engineering has since been expanded by the development of rapid DNA sequencing technology that has led to the field of genomics – the extraction of information from the DNA sequences of organisms, and the analysis and cataloguing of that information.

A second aspect of this revolution has been the increasingly precise understanding of the physical chemistry of protein folding and of the diversity and mutual interactions of the many thousands of different proteins in the living cell, a field generally known as proteomics. Thus, immensely powerful experimental and modelling techniques have become available in the last few decades that allow an unprecedented capability to modify living organisms and their products in precise and predictable ways, and to design small molecules to interact with proteins in living organisms and alter their functioning in predictable ways. The relevance of these technologies to biological weapons development is obvious. Indeed, it has been alleged that the Soviet biological weapon programme already employed genetic engineering to create novel agents.[24] 

It is almost certain, as was demonstrated in Iraq’s offensive biological weapons programme, that a proliferator nowadays will attempt initially to weaponize the agents which have been previously used in major offensive research programmes, or other unmodified organisms. Thus the ‘classical’ agents developed in the middle of the 20th Century by the United Kingdom, United States and former Soviet Union – anthrax, botulinum toxin, tularemia, etc. – would likely be the first agents of choice. However, after the development of a functional biological weapons programme along classical lines, it is possible that proliferators may turn to agents developed through genetic engineering techniques.

Even within the constraints of existing biotechnology, scientists believe that it is already possible to carry out the following:

  • Adaptation of an existing pathogen to increase its virulence or durability in the environment;

  • Genetic alteration of benign micro-organisms so that they are able to produce a toxin, venom or bio-regulator. If this is coupled with use of large fermenters, production could be on an industrial scale. A number of pharmaceutical products such as growth hormone or insulin are already produced in this way;

  • Alteration of deadly micro-organisms so that they are able to defeat standard identification, detection and diagnostic methods; and

  • Development of micro-organisms which are resistant to antibiotics, standard vaccine and therapies. According to Alistair Hay, a CBW expert from Leeds University in the United Kingdom, manipulations of this type may have already occurred in Russia.

Hay helped debrief defectors from Biopreparat that had worked on biological warfare until 1992. The scientists claimed to have developed a form of Yersinia pestis, the causal agent of plague, that was resistant to 16 different antibiotics.[25]

4.2 Future trends in biotechnology and genetic engineering
Below we examine how further developments in biotechnology and genetic engineering might be used to develop tomorrow’s bio-weapons.

(i) Targeting the immune system
As understanding of the human immune system develops along with the ability to redesign proteins it could be possible to develop highly specific weapons which attack the immune system in various ways. For instance, rather than deliberately infecting a target population with a single disease, a biological aggressor could instead use a toxin to cripple the immune system of the target, and nature would insure that opportunistic infections of many different kinds ensued. Or a novel toxin agent could derange the immune system so that it becomes directly pathogenic itself, causing debility or death through its malfunctioning. Such attacks already occur outside the laboratory. For example, the naturally occurring staphylococcal enterotoxin B (SEB) exerts its incapacitating effects in part via specific effects on the immune system. Physiological systems other than the immune system could also be targets for such attack.

(ii) ‘Designer’ biological weapons
Novel weapons could use normal proteins involved in immune system modulation, discovered through genomic studies, that become toxic when they are in unnaturally high concentration or present in tissues from which they are normally absent. Similarly, proteins normally expressed in a specific developmental stage could be weaponised by delivering them to cells that are in a different stage of development.

Development of novel protein toxins is not the only application of bio-informatics to bio-weapon development. The ability to recognize the genes for different classes of protein (e.g. surface receptors) in genomic sequences, and to predict their three-dimensional shape and infer their function from comparative genomics and proteomics, will shortly lead to an important increase in our understanding of the ways that the physiology of cells is modulated by external signals. This will, in turn, allow the design of small molecules that bind to such surface receptors and alter their function in predictable ways. Such ‘designer’ weapons could be immensely potent, easy to manufacture and stable.

(iii) Genetic targeting
Two concerns arise from the possible development of genetically targeted weapons: those that may be used to target the genetic characteristics of different ethnic groups; and those that may be used to target crops and animals.

(a) Human Genome Project and the ethnic bomb
The Human Genome Project (HGP) is an international collaboration, centred in the United States and sponsored by the National Human Genome Research Institute. Its goal is to sequence and identify all the genes on the human genome. The work is nearly complete and has been extended to discover the functions of these genes.

The work of the HGP is important given concern over the possible development of weapons targeted at the specific genetic characteristics of different ethnic groups. It has been argued that "if investigations provide sufficient data on ethnic genetic differences between population groups, it may be possible to use such data to target suitable micro-organisms to attack known receptor sites for which differences exist at cell membrane level or even to target DNA sequences inside cells by viral vectors."[26]  These kinds of novel bio-weapons, developed from the application of genomics and proteomics, would only affect individuals with the particular target protein or structure against which they were designed. In many cases the target would be nearly universal within the human species. However, in other cases there might be alternative structures, and only individuals with a particular form of the structure would be vulnerable to the toxic effects of the new weapon. This possibility has led to speculation about ‘ethnic weapons’ that would affect one ethnic or racial group while leaving others untouched.

Thankfully, among humans the amount of intra-group genetic variation is generally greater than the inter-group variation, making it highly unlikely that such weapons would affect only one ethnic group or ‘race’. Indeed, many analysts share the view of the Royal Society: "…these developments are some years away and in some cases are likely to be more fictional than real".[27]  However, it appears that research into such an ethnic weapon has already been attempted (see box 1 on Project Coast).

 

Box 1: Project Coast - South Africa’s biological weapons programme [28]

In February 1998, following preliminary investigations in 1996 and 1997, the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) started an in-depth investigation of the South African Apartheid government’s CBW programme. The TRC held public hearings in June and July 1998 and published its main findings in its Final Report to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998.

Even though many details of the clandestine CBW programme are still secret, it seems today that an important element of the programme was to develop agents for use against political opponents of the regime, at home and abroad. ‘Project Coast’, as the CBW programme was known internally, was overseen by a management committee, which included the chief of the South African Defence Force (SADF), the chief of staff finances, the head of counter-intelligence, the chief of staff intelligence, the surgeon general as the project leader, and the project officer, Dr Wouter Basson. Basson is currently on trial in South Africa for his possible role in the development of biological and chemical weapons.[29]

While the TRC report noted the investigations into anthrax, botulism, chemical poisoning, cholera and various drugs for crowd control (which were later sold for profit), as well as the development of poisons and lethal micro-organisms for use against individuals,[30] many details of Project Coast remain undisclosed.

As part of the programme, Roodeplaat Research laboratories was said to have tried to develop a bacterium, which acted selectively on the basis of pigmentation, and would render infertile only black people. Although it was claimed that progress was made, no tests were made on humans.

 

(b) Targeting crops and animals [31] 
The possibility of a state or non-state actor acquiring or developing a species-targeted bio-weapon designed to attack the staple crops and domestic animals on which a particular nation depends for food should also be considered. The development and use of anti-crop and anti-animal biological weapons is not new. Although not of direct battlefield utility, anti-animal and anti-crop biological weapons have been developed by several states (as detailed in box 2 below). The rationale for such weapons is to strategically weaken the food generation potential and infrastructure of the targeted country.

Previous anti-crop and anti-animal bio-weapons programmes have utilised naturally occurring pathogens, but the possibility of genetically modified organisms being weaponised should be re-examined in light of the rapid advances in genome studies, particularly in relation to crop plants. Gene manipulation has led to crops with increased resistance to insects and salt, and drought tolerant plants and modified strains of rice with increased levels of vitamins and iron. The expertise gained from such benign plant genome studies could be turned to bio-weaponry.

Increasingly in the developing world, but more so in the developed world, agriculture relies on the monoculture of genetically identical plants, or the intensive husbandry of highly inbred animals. This makes crop plants and domestic food animals ideal targets for such genotype-specific weapons. This vulnerability is further enhanced by the high density and huge numbers of individual plants and animals often involved. These are ideal conditions for rapid and effective contagion.

 

Box 2:  Starving a nation:  anti-crop and anti-animal agents in the 20th century

All known biological warfare programmes have had a significant component concerned with the military utility of offensive anti-crop or anti-animal biological warfare agents and munitions.

The World War II programmes of France, the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, Germany and Japan all included work on naturally occurring fungal plant pathogens. In the post-war US offensive biological warfare programme (that lasted for 25 years), large quantities of dried naturally occurring fungal agents of rice blast and stem rust of wheat were produced and stored for military use. A number of munitions were also developed by the United States for the dissemination of anti-crop biological warfare agents.

More recently, Iraq’s own offensive biological programme followed the example of Allied and Axis programmes and developed the causal agent of wheat cover smut (a fungal plant pathogen of the genus Telletia) as an anti-crop biological weapon. According to UNSCOM the Iraqi programme included limited field testing. Similarly, there are reports of post World War II Soviet programmes utilising anti-crop fungal disease agents such as wheat rust and cereal blight. Russian/Soviet scientists also undertook an anti-animal biological weapons programme which, according to the testimony of Soviet defector Dr Kenneth Alibek, continued until 1990. [32]  The core diseases of the programme, code-named ‘Ecology’, were African Swine Fever, rinderpest and foot and mouth disease. Alibek also claims that the former Soviet forces unsuccessfully used the anti-animal agent, glanders, against the horses of the Mujaheddin in Afghanistan in the 1980s. These claims have not been substantiated.[33] 

It should be noted that the majority of micro-organisms utilised in such anti-animal programmes have been zoonotic: although their natural host is an animal, they are to some degree pathogenic to man. It can thus be difficult to distinguish anti-personnel and anti-animal weapons programmes. A prime example of this complication is the use of Bacillus anthracis. During the Second World War, anthrax was the chosen disease of ‘Operation Vegetarian’, a British led project designed to create an allied anti-animal retaliatory capability. Anthrax is, of course, also a rather readily obtainable anti-personnel biological weapon. Of the eight major biological warfare programmes over the last century whose existence has been documented – in Germany, the United Kingdom, Japan, United States, Canada, the former Soviet Union/Russia, South Africa and Iraq – all have carried out research on anthrax as well as other zoonotic organisms. All such biological agents, whether anti-plant, anti-animal or anti-personnel, are banned by the BTWC.

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Section 5:  The proliferation of biological weapons

5.1 Proliferation during World War II and the Cold War
In 1925 the Geneva Protocol was signed. Although this treaty prohibited the use of biological weapons in war, it did not ban research and development of such weapons. Subsequently a number of European countries developed bio-weapons during the 1930s and 1940s.[34]  However, the only fully documented case of biological weapons being used by one state to attack another involved Japanese hostilities against China during the Second World War. These attacks caused substantial numbers of fatalities.[35]  In the immediate post-war period at least three countries – the former Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and the United States – are known to have had ambitious biological weapons development programmes, building on earlier wartime work.

During the Second World War, most UK testing was conducted on an island off the northwest coast of Scotland called Gruinard. Government scientists concentrated their development and testing efforts on the lethal effects of anthrax, using sheep to evaluate the effectiveness of the disease. As a result of the large amount of anthrax agent dispersed on the island, the hardiness of the anthrax spores and the number of sheep infected, it was only in 1990, after a concerted decontamination programme that the UK government declared the island safe.[36]

The UK government soon combined its biological weapons development efforts with those of the Canadian and US governments. However, the UK’s offensive bio-weapon programme, which was centred at Porton Down, was subsequently closed in the early 1960s.[37]  Some bio-defence work continues at Porton Down today.

In the United States, during World War II and in the years immediately following, much work centred on research, development and production of biological weapons containing anthrax. These efforts continued in the 1950s under Project St. Jo, a programme to develop and test anthrax bombs and delivery methods for possible wartime use against Soviet cities. In order to determine quantitative munitions requirements, 173 releases of non-infectious aerosols were secretly conducted in Minneapolis, St. Louis and Winnipeg – cities chosen because they had the approximate range of conditions, including climate, urban and industrial development and topography, that would be encountered in the major potential target cities of the former Soviet Union. The proposed delivery weapon was a cluster bomb holding 536 biological bomblets, each containing 35 millilitres of anthrax spore slurry and a small explosive charge fused to detonate upon impact with the ground, thereby producing an infectious aerosol to be inhaled by people downwind.

During the US programme, ten different bio-agents were developed including anthrax, tularemia, brucellosis, Q-fever, and Venezuelan equine encephalitis, as well as fungi for the destruction of rice and wheat crops. These were introduced into the US biological weapons stockpile, along with biological bomblets for high-altitude delivery by strategic bombers and spray tanks for dissemination of biological agents by low-flying aircraft. According to published accounts, these developments culminated in a major series of biological weapons field tests using various animals as targets, conducted at sea in the South Pacific in 1968.[38] 

On 25 November 1969, President Nixon announced the unilateral and unconditional renunciation of biological weapons by the United States, stating that: "Mankind already carries in its own hands too many of the seeds of its own destruction".[39] Following an executive order the US programme was summarily terminated, and the Department of Defence was instructed to destroy all its bio-weapons. The US administration subsequently announced that it had destroyed all its existing stockpiles by the end of May 1972. President Nixon pledged that the US biological programme would be restricted to "defensive purposes, strictly defined".[40]  He also declared that, after nearly 50 years of US recalcitrance, he would seek Senate agreement for ratification of the 1925 Geneva Protocol.

In addition, he announced US support for an international treaty proposed by the United Kingdom, banning the development, production and possession of biological weapons. This led to the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) of 1972.[41] 

A number of factors lay behind the decision of the United States to get out of the offensive biological weapons business and promote an international norm banning their possession. The US government apparently feared that biological weapons could act as an ‘equaliser’ and erode its conventional and nuclear power. It also believed that by putting biological weapons ‘off limits’, the likelihood of their use would be reduced and that an important control principle would be established. The US administration, including its professional military establishment, also believed that biological weapons were too unpredictable for US military use. The US government recognised that verification was an intractable problem but in rejecting biological weapons, it also needed to push for an international norm against possession. The US initiative was a turning point for international control of biological weapons.

However, whilst the United States and United Kingdom closed down their offensive bio-weapons programmes, it eventually became evident that the former Soviet Union had not. Intelligence reports were reinforced by testimony from Soviet defectors at the beginning of the 1990s. The most famous of these is Dr Kenneth Alibek, former First Deputy Director of Biopreparat, who defected to the United States in 1992. Alibek, testifying in May 1998 before the Joint Economic Committee of the US Congress, stated that during the 1980s and 1990s the biological weapons programme of the former Soviet Union had become the most sophisticated in the world, operating in secret even after the Soviet Union signed the BTWC in 1972.

This testimony and further publications by Alibek cannot be fully substantiated due to the secret nature of the work but are generally accepted as valid. In them, Alibek describes the enormous size and scope of the Soviet biological weapons programme.[42]  In the late 1980s and early 1990s, for example, over 60,000 people were involved in the research, development and production of biological weapons. Hundreds of tons of anthrax weapon formulation – the prepared agent, ready to be placed into spray tanks, bomblets and missiles – were stockpiled, along with dozens of tons of plague. The total production capacity of all of the facilities involved was many hundreds of tons of various agents annually.

Alibek also alleged that the Soviet biological weapons programme had developed agents for which no prevention or cure exists, such as unique strains of plague, and that attempts were made to develop smallpox viral bio-weapons based on genetic analysis and engineering techniques. After the success of the World Health Organisation to eliminate smallpox worldwide, only the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), and Vector, the Russian State Research Centre of Virology and Biotechnology in Koltsovo, Novosibirisk are legitimate holders of the variola virus – the cause of smallpox. Alibek has claimed that Russian scientists not only weaponised the disease but also moved samples from the Koltsovo facility to other laboratories in Russia.[43]  Similar use of gene manipulation was alleged in a Russian press article which stated that the anthrax accidentally released in Sverdlovsk in 1979 had been genetically altered in order to have the greatest possible effect on adult men.[44] 

Official confirmation of this illegal programme came in 1992 when the then Russian President, Boris Yeltsin, admitted that the former Soviet Union had continued an offensive biological weapons programme in breach of the BTWC and announced that he was halting it.[45]  Although this programme officially ended in 1992, concerns about covert Russian programmes persist and are described in the case study in section 5.2 below.

5.2 Proliferation concerns today
Today intelligence analysts believe that several countries have or are developing covert offensive biological weapons programmes. In March 2000, the Director of the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) stated that:

About a dozen states, including several hostile to Western democracies – Iran, Iraq, Libya, North Korea and Syria – now either possess or are actively pursuing offensive biological and chemical capabilities for use against their perceived enemies, whether internal or external. Some countries are pursuing an asymmetric warfare capability and see biological and chemical weapons as a viable means to counter overwhelming US conventional military superiority. Other states are pursuing BW programs for counterinsurgency use and tactical applications in regional conflicts, increasing the probability that such conflicts will be deadly and destabilizing.[46] 

Because the technology required for biological weapons development can be relatively easily obtained and camouflaged by states, the true number of bio-weapon producers and possessors and the extent of biological weapons holdings is uncertain. Furthermore, it is hard for the public to assess the proliferation threat, since so much of the information publicly available comes directly or indirectly from just one source: the US government and its agencies. This, of course, raises questions of reliability and possible political motivation in the public threat assessments produced. Although there are certain variations in the list of alleged proliferators the following states are frequently reported as having or seeking an offensive biological weapons capability: China, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Libya, North Korea, Russia and Syria.[47]  Concerns regarding the biological weapons capabilities of Pakistan, South Korea and Taiwan have also been raised by US government agencies.[48]  Most recently, concerns have been expressed about Afghanistan (see Box 3). 

 

Box 3:  Does Afghanistan have biological weapons?

In the aftermath of 11 September, the US administration is reportedly concerned about a research and development plant in Afghanistan that makes a vaccine for anthrax. [49]  The Bush administration is said to be trying to assess whether the plant could make biological weapons. However, the deputy head of operations for the Red Cross in Afghanistan does not believe the plant in Kabul possesses any lethal strains. According to his analysis, the plant makes about 10,000 doses of anthrax vaccine a year, a small portion of what the country needs to combat a disease which is a serious health problem in Afghanistan. The vaccine strain used at the plant is the 34F2 Sterne, a non-virulent strain commonly used to make vaccine.[50] Vaccine strains cannot be turned into weapons because some of the genetic material that brings lethality has been removed.

 

The present lack of a robust international regime to facilitate the independent monitoring and investigation of allegations of biological weapon research and development creates a dangerous vacuum for two different reasons. First, it makes the clandestine development of biological weapons programmes less liable to discovery. Second, it also allows groundless allegations of biological weapons acquisition to go unchallenged. To resolve these uncertainties and allegations a bio-weapons Protocol aiding verification of compliance is required (assuming of course that most alleged proliferating states were to sign and implement such a Protocol). The so far unsuccessful attempts to agree such a Protocol are discussed in section 8 below.

A key element in the potential for proliferation of biological weapons to developing states and non-state actors is the increasing access to expertise, agents and technology arising from the rapid growth of biological research and technology. There are now more than 1,300 biotechnology companies in the United States and over 600 in Europe.[51]  This spread of expertise is facilitated by the greater availability and transmission of information as a result of the Internet and World Wide Web.

There is also the separate specific danger that some of the thousands of unemployed or under-employed scientists from the former Soviet Union bio-warfare programmes may be vulnerable to recruitment by nations or terrorist groups seeking to develop offensive biological weapon capabilities. At Stepnogorsk in northern Kazakhstan, for example, in what was once the former Soviet Union’s largest bio-weapons plant, "many of the specialists are unemployed now, and some have disappeared", according to Dastan Eleukenov, head of the Monterey Institute of International Studies office in Kazakhstan. "We are concerned that some could be working in Iraq or Iran. When you’re talking about bioweapons, the brain drain is more important than the material".[52] 

The following two case studies deal with concrete cases of state-sponsored proliferation in Iraq and Russia. An additional case study highlighting the dangers of non-state actors developing biological weapons is discussed in section 5.3 below.

(i) Case study 1: UNSCOM/UNMOVIC Investigations in Iraq [53[ 

The signature or ratification of the BTWC or future protocol is no guarantee of compliance…Investigation of non-compliance is technically and politically fraught. Non-compliance countries will conceal and deceive, making verification remarkably difficult.
Dr David Kelly, ex-UNSCOM inspector in Iraq
[54] 

This case study illustrates how, even when evidence of biological weapon research and manufacture emerges, investigations (and a co-ordinated international response) can be seriously hampered and even halted completely by the non-compliance of the target state and by geopolitical considerations in the UN Security Council.

After the 1991 Gulf War the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 687 which required Iraq unconditionally to destroy and "undertake not to use, develop, construct or acquire" non-conventional weapons or ballistic missiles with a range greater than 150 kilometres. In order to monitor Iraq’s implementation of this obligation the ceasefire resolution created the UN Special Commission in Iraq (UNSCOM). It had two basic functions: to inspect and oversee the destruction or elimination of Iraq’s chemical and biological weapon and ballistic missile capabilities, production and storage facilities; and to monitor Iraq over the longer term to ensure its continued compliance with the obligations of Resolution 687.[55] (Monitoring compliance with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty was assigned to the International Atomic Energy Agency [IAEA] in Vienna.)

The Iraqi Government said in April 1991 that it "does not possess any biological weapons or related items".[56]  After its first inspection of Iraqi biological weapons facilities, UNSCOM announced that Iraq had acknowledged offensive and defensive research on Clostridium botulinum, Clostridium perfringens, and Bacillus anthracis. UNSCOM added that Iraq’s Salman Pak facility had the capability to research, produce, test and store biological agents.[57]  Iraq quickly backtracked on some of these admissions, but UNSCOM maintained that it had collected "conclusive evidence that Iraq was engaged in an advanced military biological research programme".[58] Iraq then claimed to have terminated the programme in August 1990 and destroyed all stockpiles of agent.

Iraq repeatedly purported to have submitted full, final and complete disclosures about its biological weapons programme and continued to thwart the inspectors. UNSCOM reported time and again on Iraq’s obfuscation and lack of cooperation. Only in the summer of 1995 did Iraq eventually acknowledge an offensive biological weapons programme – admitting agent production, but denying weaponisation. Further developments occurred when General Hussein Kamel Hassan left Iraq on 7 August 1995. Hussein Kamel Hassan, the son-in-law of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein, had been a key figure in Iraq’s military programmes. Following his escape from Iraq, the Iraqi authorities invited the executive chairman of UNSCOM to visit a chicken farm allegedly owned by the General. Over 145 boxes of documents on Iraq’s nuclear, biological and chemical weapons programmes were recovered from the farm.[59] 

The Iraqi biological warfare programme disclosed to UNSCOM is said to have begun in 1975 and continued until early January 1991. Iraqi scientists worked with anthrax, botulinum toxin, Clostridium perfringens (gas gangrene), aflatoxin, trichothecene mycotoxin, wheat cover smut, ricin, and viruses such as the camel pox virus.

Researchers have subsequently uncovered some of the supply routes by which Iraq obtained the cultures, technology and expertise for its bio-weapons programmes. The findings illustrate the relative ease with which a state can bring together the material and expertise needed for developing such programmes. Iraq obtained cultures for anthrax and botulinum toxin from the American Type Culture Collection, located outside of Washington, DC. Some of the pathogen strains that Iraq purchased from 1985 to 1989 had origins in the now-terminated US and British biological warfare programmes. Iraq also ordered warfare-suitable cultures from the Pasteur Institute in Paris. While British and Swiss firms filled Iraqi orders for growth media, Italian, Swiss and German companies sold the Iraqis fermenters. Two British-trained Iraqi scientists reportedly master-minded the development, testing, production and weaponisation of Iraq’s biological arsenal.[60] 

Iraq produced 19,000 litres of botulinum toxin; 8,500 litres of anthrax; and 2,200 litres of aflatoxin. Large-scale weaponisation of biological agents is reported to have begun in December 1990. For delivery systems, the Iraqis developed spray tanks, remotely piloted vehicles, aerial bombs, rockets and missiles. Over 160 aerial bombs and 25 Al Hussein missile warheads were filled with anthrax, botulinum toxin and aflatoxin. In early January 1991, these warheads and bombs were deployed to four locations and field commanders were delegated the authority to launch them during the impending Gulf War. Iraq also had an indigenous missile development programme that was working on the design of missile systems capable of delivering chemical or biological warheads to the range of 3,000 kilometres.[61] 

In 1999, UNSCOM was disbanded following a period in which Iraq systematically obstructed UNSCOM inspections and exploited the political disagreement among the permanent members of the Security Council. At the end of 1999, the Security Council adopted Resolution 1284 which replaced UNSCOM with the UN Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC).

According to subsequent newspaper articles a preliminary UNMOVIC report was presented in February 2001 to the ‘College of Commissioners for UNMOVIC’, a group of 16 international advisors appointed by the Security Council to guide UNMOVIC’s work. [62]  No official from UNMOVIC has been allowed to visit Iraq since UNSCOM was disbanded and the report is said to be mainly based on analysis of information inherited from UNSCOM. The report covers nuclear, chemical and biological weapons. With regard to biological weapons, UNMOVIC found that: "The production of Agent B (anthrax spores) could be much greater than stated and, had such production taken place, the remaining quantities would still retain significant activity given the stability of this agent".[63] 

Iraq’s research into viruses – including polio, influenza, foot and mouth disease, the camel pox virus, infectious haemorrhagic conjunctivitis virus and rotavirus – was also a cause for concern. UNMOVIC is reported to have stated that: "In the absence of further documentary evidence and explanation, the rationale and the scope of the virus research undertaken remains unclear, in particular the basis for selection of the viruses".[64] 

(ii) Case study 2: A covert Russian biological weapons programme [65] 
There are continuing concerns as to whether the long-running Russian offensive biological weapons programme has been completely terminated. Furthermore there are fears that technology and expertise that was developed under this programme may be ‘exported’ to other states or non-state actors.

Doubts persist about the termination of Russia’s biological weapons programme, as decreed by then President Boris Yeltsin in April 1992. In December 1999, analysis by the Swedish Defence Research Establishment (FOA) concluded that the retention of offensive biological warfare capability appeared to be the current policy choice. Factors said to be contributing to its continuation include institutional and bureaucratic interests, the enduring social and economic crisis, fear of a deterioration of relations with the West and with Russia’s neighbours, a continuing focus on the reestablishment of Russia’s status as a superpower, and the prospect of an ineffective protocol to the BTWC.[66] 

Of particular concern is the presence of former military personnel in key positions in microbial research and development establishments and in the biopharmaceutical industry. Despite the transfer of the state entity Biopreparat to the Ministry of Health in 1992 and later to the Ministry of the Economy, the organisation apparently retained most its military personnel. (Its Soviet-era director was finally voted out of office on 4 April 2001 by Biopreparat shareholders.[67]) Biopreparat personnel also occupy a prominent position in the civilian biopharmaceutical sector. The conversion of the organisation – which reportedly employs some 40,000 personnel, including 9,000 scientists and engineers – to legitimate civilian purposes appears problematic and, according to the FOA report, has been essentially cosmetic.

The dire social and professional conditions in which the former Russian biological weapons specialists currently live and operate significantly increase the risk of a brain drain to countries that may be interested in acquiring bio-weapons. Since Yeltsin’s 1992 decree, the biological weapons-related establishments have reportedly laid off significant numbers of personnel, while the remaining staff work under spartan conditions and often go without pay for long periods. Although the feared mass exodus of biological weapons scientists and technicians does not appear to have materialised, some biological weapons specialists are known to have sought contracts abroad. There has been speculation that some may have gone to Iraq, Syria, Libya, China, Iran, Israel and India.[68]  A number of these scientists may have had access to lethal strains and may possess the knowledge to weaponise these strains. The US government has estimated that about 7,000 scientists from the former Soviet bio-warfare programme pose a proliferation risk.[69] 

Other analysts, however, highlight the fact that though thousands of scientists were involved in Soviet biological weapons research, the vast majority of these have expertise in only one stage of bio-weapon production. Dr Ken Alibek, for example, has estimated that only 100 individuals knew how to take a particular organism through all its stages to weaponisation.[70]  The Russian Government has also tried to prevent proliferation by introducing new legislation. In January 1998, then Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin issued a directive prohibiting Russians from engaging in foreign activities concerning goods and services potentially applicable for nuclear, biological and chemical weapons or missile delivery systems.

In addition, in order to employ Russian experts in research and development programmes permitted under the BTWC, a number of initiatives were launched by the international community in the 1990s. Several countries (the EU member states, Japan, South Korea, Norway and the United States) provided money to support such programmes through the International Science and Technology Centre (ISTC) in Moscow. In a separate initiative, the US National Academy of Sciences ran a cooperative research programme on dangerous pathogens – funded through the Pentagon’s Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) programme – with the aim of identifying further opportunities for the US biotechnology industry to invest in Russia. Finally, the former Soviet biological weapons facility in Stepnogorsk, Kazakhstan, is being dismantled with US government assistance. It was used to produce weapons for an offensive biological warfare programme, including production of resistant strains of anthrax.

However, the effectiveness of such programmes has been questioned. The FAO report, for example, noted that none of the six known facilities under the Russian Ministry of Defence had applied for international conversion funds and there had also been difficulties over the denial of access to Western experts.

The military laboratories at Kirov, Sergeyev Posad (formerly Zagorsk), Strizi and Yekaterinburg (formerly Sverdlovsk) have been suspected of harbouring components of biological weapons research. In 1998, it was suggested that the Centre for Military and Technical Problems of Anti-Bacteriological Defence, the successor to Compound 19 at Sverdlovsk, had plans to resume the offensive production of anthrax.71  Alibek has echoed concerns that Russia has not opened up the former Soviet military biological weapons facilities to international inspection:

However, it is important to bear in mind that the Soviet Union managed to hide its enormous biological weapons programme from the West for decades, even after signing the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention....Although the Western intelligence services suspected during the 1970s and 1980s that the Soviets were conducting some work in this area, it was only after the defection of a Soviet biological weapons scientist in 1989 that the West began to understand the extent of the programme.[72] 

Both of these case studies underline the need for the international community to enforce the most stringent application of the BTWC. The development of a Protocol to the Convention and the implementation of greater transparency measures by State Parties are urgently required.

5.3 Proliferation to non-state actors: the threat of bio-terrorism and the ‘new terrorism’
The events of 11 September 2001 shocked the world and brought home to the intelligence and security community the terrible realities of the ‘new terrorism’.[73]  Although the scale of these attacks was a quantum leap on anything witnessed before, the threat of this new style of terrorism had already been recognised.

Since the late 1960s, and increasingly during the 1990s, several individuals and non-state actors have shown an interest in the development and use of chemical and biological weapons. However, a close examination of some of the more recent incidents reveals the growth of a new breed of bio-terrorism. According to the FOA database of chemical and bio weapons (CB) threat or use, most of the known actors behind CB-related incidents cannot be linked to a state sponsor of terrorism or to a more ‘established’ terrorist organisation.[74] 

This new breed of terrorism encompasses right wing extremist groups, cults and religious fundamentalists, animal rights activists and lone individuals. Unlike more ‘established’ political terrorists who are, to some degree, motivated by discrete political objectives and inhibited in their actions by a desire for a seat at the negotiating table, these new terrorists are thought to be less constrained.[75] 

Although analysts believe this new breed of terrorist may be more likely than their predecessors to be motivated to acquire and use biological weapons, there has been considerable debate and uncertainty over whether any terrorists currently have the technical capability to fulfil their ambitions to cause mass casualties. Much debate has been shaped by the activities of Aum Shinrikyo.

(i) Case study 3: terrorist attacks by Aum Shinrikyo
Aum Shinrikyo was by no means a typical terrorist group. It was a religious movement founded by Shoko Asahara with beliefs centred around the coming of Armageddon (the end of the world). Aum Shinrikyo had upwards of 50,000 members and offices in New York, Germany, Australia and Sri Lanka in addition to its main centres in Japan and Russia. Aum had assets estimated to be at least in the hundreds of millions of dollars.

On 20 March 1995 world attention was fixed on the activities of Aum Shinrikyo, when cult members released sarin nerve gas in the Tokyo underground system. In this attack 13 people died, several hundred were injured and over 5,000 rushed themselves to hospital in fear of poisoning.[76]  Previously, on 27 June 1994, the cult had conducted a less publicised sarin attack in the town of Matsumoto, resulting in seven deaths and injuries to 600 people. These attacks were not in pursuit of Armageddon, but to counter the activities of law enforcement officials. The Matsumoto attack was directed against a dormitory housing judge who was expected to rule against the cult in a land dispute and the Tokyo attack was designed to prevent a police raid on its premises.

The police investigation that followed the Tokyo subway attack discovered that as well as developing chemical weapons such as sarin, Aum Shinrikyo had established a biological weapons programme.[77]  Under this programme they attempted to produce two biological agents: anthrax and botulinum toxin. They also attempted to purchase a Q-fever culture from a Japanese academic researcher, but were rebuffed, and tried to obtain samples of the ebola virus from Zaire.

As part of their bio-weapons programme, the group also developed an aerosol delivery system and attempted to carry out nine biological attacks over a nine year period (one planned target of a botulinum toxin attack was the US naval base in Yokosuka in April 1990). All attempts to carry out these attacks were unsuccessful due to insufficient technical knowledge. [78] 

Thus, despite investing considerable time, financial and human resources into a biological weapons programme,[79]  Aum Shinrikyo failed in all their attempts to isolate lethal strains of anthrax or to produce active botulinum toxin and failed to develop effective delivery systems.[80] 

Analysts believe that several factors contributed to this failure, including:

  • Insufficient expertise: Though the cult did recruit some university graduates, it did not recruit sufficient expertise. The laboratory support staff were unskilled cult members and though the cult did attempt to recruit Russian scientists, they were unsuccessful;

  • A lack of functional specialisation: The people responsible for research were also in charge of designing dissemination devices, agent production, preparation and execution of release;

  • Dependence on external sources of supply and the need to conduct the program in secret: The work had to be conducted in secret because, unlike a state seeking a biological weapons capability, a terrorist organisation does not enjoy freedom from prosecution; and

  • The inherent difficulty of acquiring, handling and using biological weapons: At each stage of the process the cult appeared to have underestimated the difficulties involved.[81] 

(ii) What is the true extent of the threat of bio-terrorism?
In the light of the 11 September 2001 attacks – which grimly illustrated the determination of certain terrorists to kill civilians on a huge scale – and the subsequent anthrax attacks in several US cities, how likely is it that terrorists or other non-state actors will be able to acquire or manufacture biological weapons with sufficient lethality to cause massive casualties? Following the Aum Shinryko attacks, several analysts and certain government officials, particularly in the United States, began to speculate on the devastating consequences and massive casualties that might arise from a biological attack. Such pronouncements fuelled fears that the West, and in particular the United States, faced imminent danger from biological weapons and bio-terrorism.

On 26 November 1997, for example, Secretary of Defence William Cohen, writing in the Washington Post on biological and chemical weapons, stated that: "…terrorist groups and even religious cults will seek to wield disproportionate power by acquiring and using these weapon that can produce major casualties. We should expect more countries and terrorist groups to seek – and to use – such weapons". Also in November 1997, Cohen appeared on US network TV holding a five-pound bag of sugar and dramatically declared that such a bag filled with anthrax and scattered in the air above Washington, DC would kill half of the city’s population – 300,000 would lie dead. These figures were subsequently disputed by experts, who estimated around 3,000 fatalities – a terrible enough figure, it is true, but one that is 100 times smaller than Cohen’s estimate.

Such statements, founded not on a realistic risk assessment, but on hypothetical worst case scenarios and exaggeration, have raised fears, clouded the debate and inhibited the development of appropriate government responses to this danger. In fact it can be argued that such statements play into the hands of the terrorists by whipping up paranoia.

In such a climate of fear even hoaxes or the threat of bio-weapons could to some degree assist terrorists in achieving their goals. For example, in January 2000 there were 28 anthrax threats recorded in the United States, including 22 directed at abortion clinics [82] (many of these were the result of letters allegedly containing anthrax being sent to abortion clinics across the United States, which forced many of them to close [83]).  Similarly, in December 1998, response agencies in the Los Angeles area spent over $4 million dealing with anthrax hoaxes. Since 1998, but prior to the recent series of anthrax attacks and hoaxes, there have been an estimated 400 or so anthrax hoaxes in the United State alone (see box 4 below and Appendix 3 detailing the latest anthrax incidents).[84]  

 

Box 4:  Anthrax attacks in US cities

On 4 October 2001, the Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and state and local public health authorities reported a case of inhalational anthrax in Florida. The man, a picture editor for a tabloid newspaper, later died in hospital. The anthrax seems to have come from a letter sent to the newspaper's offices. Following screenings of co-workers and associates further cases of anthrax exposure were subsequently confirmed. Similar letters containing anthrax appear to have been sent to New York based news media and to the Washington office of Senator Daschle, the Democratic minority leader in the US Senate. Following the discovery of anthrax spores news media offices, Senate and government buildings were evacuated, Congress was suspended and thousands of people were screened for exposure to the anthrax spores. An intensive FBI investigation is now underway to find the perpetrators of the anthrax attacks, while federal, state and local health departments have been working with the CDC to treat victims, undertake epidemiological investigations and environmental sampling and monitoring. See Appendix 3 for further discussion on the disease, the attacks and the public and governmental responses.

 

The database of the Center for Non-proliferation Studies at the Monterey Institute of International Studies records that between 1975 and mid-2000, there were 126 incidents worldwide of terrorists actually using chemical or biological substances. However, 45 per cent of these cases involved either low-end materials (e.g. tear gas) or are attributed to one terrorist organisation (Aum Shinrikyo). The largest death toll resulting from a single unconventional terrorist attack was 19, and in 96 per cent of the cases, three or fewer people were injured or killed. No death or injury resulted in 60 per cent of the cases where chemical or biological substances were used.[85] 

Respected analysts believe that only vertically organised, highly integrated and ideologically uniform groups (such as religious cults) are likely to be able to carry out large scale biological weapons production in secret.[86] The material base (number of members, financial assets, property owned and infrastructure) on which a terrorist group can draw plays a critical role. Variations in the composition of a group have a direct impact on its ability to sustain a biological weapons programme. This reduces the number of potential bio-weapon terrorists. Aum Shinrikyo’s material base was substantial and few other terrorist organisations will be able to match it.

Indeed, governments have found it necessary to employ hundreds, even thousands, of leading scientists to obtain a capability to inflict mass casualties with unconventional weapons. Surveying the historical record for the last 25 years, US bio-weapons expert Amy Smithson believes that "no individual or group approached the replication of Aum Shinrikyo’s constellation of technical skill, intent, and resources directed toward a viable unconventional mass casualty threat".[87]  Even with such resources, Aum Shinrikyo was still unsuccessful in developing effective biological weapons.

In March 1999, Colonel David Franz, then Deputy Commander of the US Army’s Medical Research and Materiel Command told the Senate Intelligence Committee that bio-terrorism is difficult to carry out, and that it would require a "…large well-funded terrorist program or state sponsorship".[88]  However, while there seem to be considerable logistical difficulties that terrorist organisations must overcome to build a truly effective biological weapon of mass destruction, many of these could be overcome if the terrorist group received funding, shelter and expertise covertly from a sympathetic state. This danger is considered in Box 5 below.

 

Box 5: State sponsored terrorism and biological weapons

Since 1979, the US government has released an annual list of "State Sponsors of International Terrorism". This means that such states provide either some or all of the following to the many groups that they support: training, sanctuary, documents, funding, explosive, or weapons. Of those states that appear regularly on this list, five also appear on the list of states that the US government charges have offensive biological weapons programmes: Iraq, Iran, Libya, North Korea and Syria.[89] 

The possibility does exist, therefore, that a terrorist group could obtain assistance – either in the form of training, technical assistance, or by direct transfer of a usable agent – from a state which does have a biological weapons capability. Nevertheless, there is no publicly available evidence to date that such an event has ever happened, despite an extensive, decades-long record of very substantial state assistance to literally dozens of different groups.[90] 

Furthermore it is argued that state-sponsored bio-terrorism is not without its drawbacks for possible sponsoring states. Potential state sponsors of terrorist groups realise that they often lack absolute control over groups they sponsor, and may fear that the weapons could be turned against them or their allies, rather than some common enemy. Also, just as fears of massive retaliation may deter a state from directly employing biological weapons itself, the fear of the consequences of being found to be behind bio-terrorism is likely to deter states from sponsoring terrorist groups in such activity.[91] 

Most government authorities, in the United States and elsewhere around the world, tend to believe that if a state with biological weapons capability did decide to make use of such weapons covertly, it would do so using its own better controlled and better trained personnel rather than risk transferring the weapons to an external ad-hoc group. The US Defence Intelligence Agency stated in 1996, for example, that: "Most of the state sponsors have chemical or biological or radioactive material in their stockpiles and therefore have the ability to provide such weapons to terrorists if they wish. However, we have no conclusive information that any sponsor has the intention to provide these weapons to terrorists".[92] 

The danger of state sponsored bio-terrorism is real enough, however. Governments must therefore develop realistic strategies to respond to it and to the possible use of biological weapons by either state or non-state actors.

 

Though governments face a multitude of threats of chemical and biological terrorism most analysts believe that the catastrophic scenarios involving mass casualties, though possible, are highly unlikely to occur.[93]  According to Leitenberg, for example: "A terrorist use of a BW agent is best characterized as an event of extremely low probability, which might – depending on the agent, its quality and its means of dispersion – produce high mortality (or economic damage if it is an anti-plant or anti-animal agent)".[94] 

Certain analysts do, however, believe that the danger of bio-terrorism will increase in the coming years. Seth Carus, an expert on biological terrorism at the US National Defense University, notes that the effects of such incidents so far have been small, but he predicts that they could increase dramatically in the future:

Unfortunately, there is strong reason for concern that future bio-terrorism attacks may be far more deadly than past incidents. Three factors account for this change. First, there are terrorists who want to kill large numbers of people. There have been such groups in the past, but there appear to be a growing number who want mass casualties. Second, the technological sophistication of the terrorist group is growing. The Aum Shinrikyo was attempting to master the intricacies of aerosol dissemination of biological agents. Some terrorists might gain access to the expertise generated by a state-directed biological warfare program. Finally, Aum Shinrikyo demonstrated that terrorist groups now exist with resources comparable to some governments. It seems increasingly likely that some terrorist group will become capable of using biological agents to cause massive casualties.[95] 

Because of the possible consequences for the targeted society of such a terrorist attack, governments have a responsibility to develop and implement realistic policies that guard against and limit the possibility of such attacks, but that do not lead to widespread fear amongst the population at large, or an over-militarisation of the public health system. The extent to which this has been achieved is one of the foci of the second part of this report.

Go to Part II: The national and international control architecture


Forward | Table of Contents | Executive Summary | Section 1 | Section 2 | Section 3
 Section 4 | Section 5 |
Section 6 | Section 7 | Section 8 | Section 9 | Conclusions
Appendix 1 | Appendix 2 | Appendix 3 | Endnotes
.

 

 

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