PRESS RELEASE
6 July 2000
NMD
Deployment: Creating Global Instability
Missile defense umbrella useless against international fallout
WASHINGTON – Shrugging off international opinion and the health of the world’s
nuclear non-proliferation regime, the United States will conduct the third
intercept test of a national missile defense (NMD) system on Friday, July
7, with the full expectation that President Bill Clinton will choose this
fall to move forward with the system no matter whether the test succeeds
or fails.
Although
Washington pledged at a recent NATO meeting that it would take the views of its
allies into consideration in deciding on NMD deployment, recent statements by
Defense Secretary William Cohen indicate that the Clinton administration is on a
path toward approval regardless of allied skepticism.
Key
U.S. partners in NATO continue to express strong concern about the U.S. plan.
Allied leaders are worried that it will undercut the integrity of international
arms control efforts, especially if the United States chooses to unilaterally
abrogate the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty with Russia in order to rush
ahead with NMD deployment. After a
meeting with German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, French President Jacques
Chirac declared, “Germany and France have the same analysis of the terrible
consequences a NMD system could have on the ABM treaty.”
Even
if the United States manages to convince Russia to accept an NMD network under
‘amendments’ to the ABM treaty, the move by Washington to embrace an
expensive, high-technology race for the elusive goal of a missile shield is
certain to damage global disarmament efforts.
It would undermine international commitments to arms control and nuclear
reductions by the world’s five nuclear states, which recently were reaffirmed
at the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference in New York.
The nuclear five committed themselves to the promotion of “a
diminishing role for nuclear weapons in security policies, to minimize the risk
that these weapons ever be used and to facilitate the process of their total
elimination.”
But
building a counterforce to perceived threats from so-called rogue states instead
signals a lack of interest by the world’s most powerful nation in the only
sure-fire method to remove the threat of nuclear war: elimination. The focus on
an offensive-like defensive shield furthermore acts to reaffirm the importance
of nuclear weapons to those looking to prove a credible threat to U.S. and
allied interests.
“The
impending U.S. decision will let the proliferation genie out of the bottle,”
said Christine Kucia, BASIC analyst, noting recent Russian and Chinese
statements. Russian defense
officials spent most of last week countering the U.S. position that rogue states
pose a threat in the short term, including a threat by Gen. Vladimir Yakovlev,
commander of Russia’s Strategic Missile Force,
that Moscow would withdraw from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces
Treaty negotiated by the United States and Soviet Union in 1987.
China,
which until recently billed its arsenal as a deterrent to a first-strike nuclear
threat, is stepping up efforts to modernize and expand its arsenal, according to
recent Pentagon statements. “China,
in particular, fears NMD – which, if it actually works, would in its first
stage be able to intercept some 20 warheads – is a direct threat by the United
States to its strategic deterrent,” Kucia explained.
The
imminent enhancement of China’s nuclear capability was foretold by Chinese
arms control official Sha Zukang, who in 1999, stressed that if the United
States deploys a missile defense “other countries will be forced to develop
more advanced offensive missiles. This will give rise to a new round of [the]
arms race, and will be in nobody's interest.”
He emphasized at this year’s NPT conference that NMD development “is
tantamount to a nuclear arms build-up, which will not only bring severe damage
to… the global strategic balance and stability, but also… impede the
international nuclear disarmament process, and thus shatter the prerequisite and
basis for international nuclear non-proliferation.”
Russian
anger at jeopardizing international agreements and the Chinese threat to
reinvigorate its nuclear weapons program show that the U.S. government’s goal
of maintaining “strategic stability” would be compromised with NMD
deployment. President Clinton, at a minimum, should postpone making an
initial deployment decision in order to allow the next U.S. administration to
more fully consider its options. However, a more important decision is in the
balance: is the United States willing to risk strategic instability for the sake
of a technically unproven ‘umbrella,’ bound to encourage a destructive arms
race?
“The
post-Cold War world will get a lot colder if the Clinton administration freezes
out NATO allies, Russia and China, and strides toward a missile defense
decision,” said Theresa Hitchens, BASIC’s research director.
“U.S. government officials should instead re-focus themselves on the
need to address the causes of proliferation, and work harder to forward the
cause of disarmament.”
For
more information, please contact:
Christine Kucia or Theresa Hitchens in BASIC's
Washington office,
or Dan Plesch in the London office, at
011-44-20-7407-2977 or 011-44-771-283-3909 mobile.
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