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BASIC NOTES
May
1998
Criticism of NATO
Nuclear Policy Reaches
US Senate
Opposition to
Nuclear Sharing Leads to Proposed Senate Amendment on NATO
Expansion
On 28 April 1998, the Non-Aligned
Movement (NAM) formally protested the nuclear-sharing arrangements
practiced by NATO in Europe. Under NATO policies, U.S. nuclear
weapons are deployed in Europe, and six non-nuclear weapon states
party to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) are trained to
use those weapons. In wartime, the weapons could be released to
Belgium, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, and Turkey for
use.
At a meeting of the NPT review
process, the NAM proposed language which called on:
the Nuclear-weapon States parties
to the NPT . . . to refrain from, among themselves, with
non-nuclear weapons states, and with States not party to the
Treaty, nuclear sharing for military purposes under any kind of
security arrangements.
Two days after the NAM proposal,
during the debate in the U.S. Senate on NATO expansion, Senator
Tom Harkin offered an amendment that would "urge examination
of the compatibility of certain programs involving nuclear weapons
cooperation with the obligations of the United States and other
NATO members" under the NPT. The amendment reads:
The Senate declares that the
President, as part of NATO’s ongoing Strategic Review, should
examine the political and legal compatibility between— (1)
current United States programs involving nuclear weapons
cooperation with other NATO members; and (2) the obligations of
the United States and the other NATO members under the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, done at Washington,
London, and Moscow on July 1, 1968.
In the debate, Sen. Harkin stated:
"The nonaligned members of the NPT have expressed great
concern over NATO’s nuclear-sharing programs. Let me make it
clear. The United States has nuclear weapons at U.S. bases in NATO
nations. In time of war the United States could release these
nuclear weapons to these allied nations. Of course, in peacetime
our allies do not have control over them. We retain control.
However, we do assist in training foreign militaries in
nuclear-use capabilities. For example, we train our NATO ally
pilots how to drop nuclear weapons. We train their ground crews on
how to store nuclear weapons and how to load them onto aircraft.
And 110 nations have expressed concern over NATO’s expansion
impact on the NPT.
"The first indication of this,
Mr. President, was in an article that appeared in Defense News, on
March 30, saying that: 'The 113 members of the so-called
nonaligned movement, none of which have nuclear weapons, have
asked conference leaders at the meeting to discuss assurances for
parties to the NPT that they will not be targeted by nuclear
weapons.' Stephen Young, of the British American Security
Information Council was quoted in the article as adding, 'If NATO
won’t give nuclear weapons up, and in fact continues to publicly
declare nuclear weapons as part of its strategy for the future of
the alliance, the fear is that some states that do not currently
have nuclear weapons may become frustrated and decide to acquire
them for protection.'
"Now, we have a news release
from the same organization that came in just yesterday that stated
that: 'At the meeting of the member states of the nuclear
non-proliferation treaty' — in Geneva on April 28, just 2 days
ago, 110 nations of the nonaligned movement—'demanded an end to
NATO nuclear-sharing arrangements.'
"A working paper representing
the position of more than 110 states demands that—and I
quote—'the nuclear weapons states parties to the NPT refrain
from, among themselves, with non-nuclear weapons states, and with
states not party to the treaty, nuclear sharing for military
purposes under any kind of security arrangements.' Well, NATO is
the only alliance which operates nuclear-sharing arrangements.
Under these arrangements, somewhere between 150 to 200 U.S.
nuclear weapons are deployed in the six European States: Belgium,
Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, and Turkey.
"NATO countries, of course,
have always maintained that NATO nuclear sharing is legal under
the NPT because it does not involve the actual transfer of nuclear
weapons unless a decision was made to go to war. However, the NPT
regime also involves, as I stated earlier, the sharing of nuclear
knowledge. So I think it is a well-grounded concern of the
nonaligned nations to express their concerns about the expansion
of NATO and the fact that we will begin sharing nuclear knowledge
with the three new member nations. I think their fears are well
founded and worth considering.
"Will we now, of course, with
the addition of these three new nations, begin to share this
nuclear knowledge? Are these three new nations full and absolute
partners of NATO—as many have said here on the floor during the
course of the debate, that Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic
should not be second-class NATO partners but should have all of
the rights, obligations, and powers inherent in any NATO member
nation? If that is the case, then certainly we will begin to share
nuclear knowledge with those three countries.
"I believe, Mr. President,
that this could fly in the face of our obligations under the
nuclear nonproliferation treaty. Therein lies the conundrum. If we
do proceed with NATO expansion—and it obviously looks like the
votes will be here to do that—and if these three nations become
full partners in NATO, as many have said they should, and
obviously they will under the reading of the protocols, we then
will proceed to share nuclear knowledge with those three nations.
And what of nuclear capabilities? I am not saying that we will
turn over control of nuclear weapons—we have not yet done that
to any nation of NATO—but we could get to the point where we
might turn over nuclear weapons to those three nations if, in
fact, conditions warrant it.
. . .
"I will close by saying that I
will withdraw my amendment, but I wanted to lay it down as a
marker. We are going to hear more about the NATO expansion treaty
and what it will mean to the nonproliferation treaty with our
sharing of nuclear knowledge with these three countries, all of
whom, I might point out, are signatories to the NPT. I think
therein lies a dilemma. To this Senator’s way of thinking, I
believe the NPT is more important to us and more important to the
world community than the expansion of NATO to include these three
countries. Again, as Barbara Tuchman said in 'The March of Folly,'
'I believe we are rushing into this without considering all of its
ramifications, especially with nonproliferation.'
The NAM Statement was made at the
second Preparatory
Committee meeting for the
2000 Review Conference of the NPT, which took place 27 April - 8
May at the United Nations in Geneva.
Full
text of Senator Harkin's statement
Full
text of the NAM working paper
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