The 2000 NPT Review
Conference (RevCon)
14 April - 19 May 2000, New York
STATEMENT
BY THE PRESIDENT
OF THE 2000 REVIEW CONFERENCE OF THE PARTIES
TO THE TREATY ON THE NON-PROLIFERATION
OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS
H.E. AMBASSADOR ABDALLAH BAALI (ALGERIA)
New York - April 24, 2000
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Thirty years have elapsed since the
entry into force of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation
of Nuclear Weapons. At the time, few of us gathered here
today dared to hope that it would one day enjoy the
tremendous support that it now commands, but we have
always been unanimous in viewing it as the cornerstone of
the global nuclear non-proliferation regime.
Today for the sixth time, we
are embarking on an exercise which will be long, painful
and particularly delicate because this Conference,
the first since the Treaty was extended indefinitely, is
taking place in a very uncertain international context
which poses many challenges.
I am honoured by the confidence you
have placed in me in choosing me to preside over this
Conference in such difficult circumstances. At the same
time, I am aware of the immensity of the task that awaits
me. I am sincerely grateful to you for this honour and I
promise to do my best to prove worthy of it. I assure you
that I shall do everything in my power to avoid the
shoals and perilous currents in order to steer the
Conference safely into harbour, and I know that I can
count on each of you and that you will be unstinting in
your cooperation, your support and your
advice.
In fact, as soon as I was chosen to
preside over this Conference and as the alarmist analyses
and early predictions of its failure mounted, I threw
myself into the task of preparing for it. I made contacts
and sought opinions in an attempt to set it on a
proactive, optimistic course which I hope will prevail.
Lastly, I should like to take
advantage of the presence of the SecretaryGeneral of
the United Nations, Mr. Kofi Annan, to tell him how much
we appreciate the determination and courage with which he
is pursuing the goal of universal peace and harmony among
nations.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Five years ago, in a courageous
move, the States parties decided to extend the
Non-Proliferation Treaty indefinitely, thereby ending
uncertainties about the permanency of the international
non-proliferation regime. In doing so, they made
commitments which remain as relevant and valid as ever,
although many of them have yet to be fulfilled.
The nuclear-weapon States, in
particular, gave a solemn undertaking resolutely to
pursue their efforts to systematically and progressively
reduce their nuclear stockpiles, while States which had
remained outside the nonproliferation regime were urged
to join it.
In order to give meaning and
substance to the principle of permanence with
accountability, agreement was also reached on a new
review process which would enable the States parties, at
each review conference, to measure the results achieved
during the period under review and to set new targets for
our common endeavour to rid the world of the nuclear
threat and the fear it generates.
So our task here today is to take
stock, without complacency or acrimony, of what has or
has not been achieved. The aim is not to criticize,
denounce or condemn, but to learn from our failures and
to try to do more and, if possible, better. From this
standpoint, we can observe a lack of progress, and even
some setbacks, notably in the area of nuclear
disarmament, which have given rise to a feeling of
frustration among a number of countries and even among
international civil society. We cannot afford to ignore
such a feeling if we are really seriousand I know
we are about keeping the flame of faith and
commitment alive and strong among those who believe in
the global regime. At the same time, we must recognize
that some progress has been made and we should not
underestimate its importance, for it gives us real reason
to hope.
In the past five years, there have
been negative developments whose effects are still being
felt today. The most serious of these, quite obviously,
was the fact that India and Pakistan, in conducting
nuclear tests two years ago, dealt a very serious blow to
the global non-proliferation regime. Because of their
disagreements, the world now faces the spectre of nuclear
war for the first time since the end of the cold war.
There are other grounds for
concern: the fact that the NPT is still not universal,
because Cuba and three States possessing nuclear
capabilities Israel, India and Pakistan have
yet to adhere to the non-proliferation regime; the
refusal of the United States Senate to ratify the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty; the lack of
progress on nuclear disarmament between Russia and the
United States because of the delay in the entry into
force of START II and the subsequent failure to commence
negotiations on START III; the new nuclear strategies of
NATO and the Russian Federation; the challenges to the
ABM Treaty and the intention of the United States to
deploy an anti-missile defence system; the impasse in the
Conference on Disarmament caused largely by the above
developments, with the result that negotiations on the
drafting of a treaty on the prohibition of the production
of fissile material have not commenced; and, obviously,
the fact that at this very moment there are 30,000
nuclear weapons in the world capable of obliterating,
many times over, everything that humankind has
accomplished since it first appeared on Earth.
The picture is not entirely grey,
however, and we must at all costs avoid yielding to
pessimism. Some progress has been made and there have
been some positive developments; we must build on these
developments and use them as a starting point for making
further progress in our common quest for a world free of
nuclear weapons.
For instance, after quite a few
disappointments, the Russian Parliament has finally
ratified START II, opening up new opportunities for
nuclear disarmament and promising prospects for our
Conference.
Since 1995. the number of States
parties to the NPT has increased steadily; it is now 187.
making the Treaty the most universal of all multilateral
disarmament instruments. In this connection, I should
like to welcome the nine countries who have acceded to
the NPT since 1995, namely, Chile, Vanuatu, United Arab
Emirates, Comoros, Andorra, Djibouti, Angola, Oman and
Brazil.
IAEA safeguards under the NPT are
now an integral part of the international
non-proliferation regime and have proved effective in
helping to enforce it. The adoption in May 1997 of the
model additional protocol to the safeguards agreements
between States and IAEA has increased the efficiency and
effectiveness of the IAEA safeguards regime, and
this can only strengthen the NPT regime.
Progress
has also been made over the past five years in the area
of non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament.
Nuclear-weapon States have taken unilateral measures to
reduce their nuclear stockpiles and to introduce
greater transparency
New treaties have been signed
establishing nuclear-weapon-free zones in Africa and
South-East Asia, while efforts to denuclearize Central
Asia are nearing fruition.
Lastly, after years of negotiations
and within the deadlines set by the 1995 Conference, the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty was opened for
signature in September 1996. It has now been signed by
155 States and ratified by 55, including two
nuclear-weapon States and 28 States with nuclear
capabilities. In this connection, I would like to express
my deep satisfaction with the ratification of the CTBT by
the Duma of the Russian Federation last Friday. As
evident from the increasing number of ratifications and
despite last autumn's setback, the CTBT enjoys very
strong international support and should hopefully enter
into force within a reasonable period of time. In any
event, we must do our utmost to ensure that this is the
case.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Regardless of the differing
perspectives that States parties may have over the
current state of affairs in global nuclear
non-proliferation and disarmament issues, there is no
doubt that much more can and needs to be done! The common
dream of a world free from the threat of nuclear weapons
has yet to be realized. The long road leading to the
ultimate elimination of nuclear weapons remains a distant
and rugged one. Consequently, I am certain that you will
agree that the outcome of this Conference will have a
major impact on deciding the future course of the NPT and
the nuclear nonproliferation regime for generations to
come. Efforts by the States parties alone, however, are
not enough. The role of civil society, particularly that
of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), with their
expertise and dedication will be crucial for any future
progress. In this connection, I am most happy to see the
great interest shown by members of the international NGO
community towards this Conference and I welcome their
contributions to our work and to our endeavours to build
a safer and better world for our children.
It is without any doubt that our
work over the next four weeks will not be an easy one.
This Conference will provide States parties with the
opportunity to review not only the realization of their
commitments undertaken in the Treaty but also the
benchmarks set in 1995 to measure the performance
of all its parties, nuclear-weapon States and
non-nuclearweapon States alike. The review must be
balanced, honest and comprehensive.
We should strive to bridge our differences and approach
the Conference with a determination to find a common
agreement on realistic measures that could help us in
advancing further towards the fullest realization of the
goals of the Treaty from now until the next review
conference in 2005 and beyond. To do otherwise would put
the Treaty and the regime it has created over the past 30
years, and which has served the national security
interests of its parties well, into jeopardy. There is
indeed too much at stake. The global community will be
closely following the work of our Conference with high
expectations. We must not let them down!
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