First Session

PREPARATORY COMMITTEE FOR THE

2000 REVIEW CONFERENCE OF THE PARTIES

TO THE TREATY ON THE NON-PROLIFERATION 

OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS

New York, NY

April 8, 1997



Statement by

The Honorable Lawrence Scheinman

Representative of the United States





Statement of the Honorable Lawrence Scheinman

USG Representative to the First Preparatory Committee

Meeting for the 2000 NPT Review Conference



New York, NY

April 8, 1997



Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would first like to congratulate

you on your selection as Chairman of this first Preparatory

Committee meeting for the 2000 NPT Review Conference.

My delegation has every confidence that your experience

and leadership will help ensure a productive and

constructive meeting and the United States pledges to work

with you toward that end.



Mr. Chairman, the United States strongly  supports the

NPT, which is the vital and irreplaceable cornerstone of the

international nuclear nonproliferation regime, providing

important benefits not only to all its parties, but to the

international community at large. By indefinitely extending

the NPT in 1995, the parties made a calculated and

critically important decision to ensure that the Treaty

continue to benefit its parties and the international security

system.



The accompanying decisions on "Principles and Objectives

for Nuclear Nonproliferation and Disarmament" and

"Strengthening the Review Process for the Treaty" were

another "milestone" for the Treaty and its future. With these

two decisions, we have identified guiding principles and

objectives that reflect the collective interest and

commitment of NPT parties in implementing the Treaty,

and have created a process to facilitate further

strengthening Treaty implementation.



The United States is strongly committed to all of the

decisions agreed at toe 1995 NPT  Conference. We

recognize that, because of these decisions, the PrepCom

process  leading to the 2000 NPT Renew Conference will

be qualitatively different from the  past, and that it will

require careful deliberations and focused efforts by us all.

My  delegation is fully prepared to contribute to this effort

and to work toward a  successful conclusion of this process. 

The agenda before us is ambitious, but we have ample time

to do justice to our  task, not only in the coming two weeks,

but also during the PrepCom meetings that  will take place

in 1998 and 1999.



A basic task before us is to define priorities for the

"strengthened treaty review  process" and to determine how

it will operate. In the view of the United States the first 

priority must be to ensure the continued vitality and

strength of the NPT. There should  be no doubt of the

benefit that accrues to us all from a strong and sound NPT

or the  consequences we would have to endure if toe Treaty

were to be weakened Not only  does the NPT ensure

against further proliferation of nuclear weapons, but it is

toe  foundation upon which the process of nuclear

disarmament is based and the opportunity for international

nuclear cooperation predicated.



In any consideration of review of the Treaty we believe it is

essential to bear in  mind that it is the Treaty that is the

source of our obligations and that we should  therefore be

guided first and foremost by the Treaty itself. In particular,

Article VIII.3  provides for periodic conferences to review

the operation of the Treaty "with a view to  assuring that

the purposes of the Preamble and the provisions of the

Treaty, are being realized." Toward end we are assisted by

the guidance provided m paragraph 4 of the decision on

Strengthening the Review Process of the Treaty which calls

for the PrepCom to consider "principles, objectives, and

ways in order to assure the full implementation of the

Treaty, including its universality, and to make

recommendations thereon to the Review Conference." It is

critically important that the process remain true to its

fundamental purpose and that inclinations to deviate from

what was agreed in 1995 through creative interpretation,

however well meaning should be resisted to the extent that

they could harm the integrity of the NPT regime.



The NPT is more than the sum of its parts. Its three main

goals - preventing the spread of nuclear weapons;

promoting nuclear disarmament; and promoting

cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy under an

effect safeguards system are mutually [indecipherable] and

cannot be considered in isolation.  This perspective defines

what we believe should be a second priority, namely that

there be a balanced and thorough treatment of all aspects of

the Treaty -- both in our deliberations during the PrepCom

meetings, and at the 2000 NPT Review Conference itself.

To this end, Mr. Chairman my delegation has come fully

prepared to deliberate on all substantive issues related to

the operation of the Treaty.



We are also fully prepared to discuss the procedural issues

related to preparing effectively for the 2000 Review

Conference. We recognize the importance that an in depth

and candid discussion on these issues has for assuring an

effective and meaningful process.



Balanced and comprehensive consideration of the NPT and

its components not  the responsibility of a select few, but of

all of the parties. The United States believes  that a criterion

for effective review under the "strengthened review

process" will be the  extent to which all parties are prepared

to discuss their efforts to implement their  obligations under

the Treaty. Treating the process as a referendum on the

efforts of  any less than all parties, or giving unequal

emphasis to any of the Treaty's goals, would  be neither

productive nor constructive and certainly would not serve

our shared  interests in creating a meaningful ant effective

process.



Mr. Chairman, pursuant to what I have just said, I would

like to briefly mention  some of the steps the United States

has taken since the conclusion of the 1995 NPT 

Conference to fulfill its obligations under the NPT. Given

the constraint of time, I  will give only a few "highlights."

However, I have attached to my statement a more 

comprehensive outline of U.S. actions, which illustrates the

breadth and scope of the  U.S. commitment to a robust NPT

regime.





CTBT



The 1995 NPT Conference decisions called for the

completion of a  Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty "no later

than 1996." Achievement of a CTBT has long-  been

recognized as a key step in achieving the full

implementation of Article VI of the  NPT. The successful

completion of the CTBT last September is an historic 

accomplishment that not only completes an arms control

quest spanning more than  forty years, but also helps wall

off nuclear dangers today and henceforth.  On September

24 1996 President Clinton was the first leader to sign the

CTBT. The United States is committed to the CTBT sad to

achieving its entry into force at an early date.





START/NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT EFFORTS



The United States is strongly committed to nuclear

disarmament and to the goal of the ultimate elimination of

nuclear weapons. Since the 1995 NPT Conference the U.S.

has continued to take steps in support of this commitment.

This includes implementation of the START I Treaty;

ratification of START II; and very importantly a

commitment reached with Russia to begin negotiations on a

START III Treaty immediately after START II enters into

force.



During the Helsinki Summit Meeting last month Presidents

Clinton and Yeltsin reaffirmed a shared commitment to

further reduce the nuclear danger and to strengthen strategic

stability and nuclear security The U.S. and Russia have

agreed that START 111 will establish by December 31

2007 a ceiling of 2 000 2 500 strategic weapons for each

country. In a significant new development promoting the

irreversibility of deep reductions the U.S. and Russia also

agreed that START III will be the first strategic arms

control agreement to include measures relating to the

transparency of strategic nuclear warhead inventories and

the destruction of strategic nuclear warheads. When

completed the United States will have reduced its total

deployed strategic warheads by more than 65 percent of

warheads permitted under START I. 





UNILATERAL MEASURES



Beyond its efforts related to the START Treaties, the

Unite-d States has taken a  number of steps unilaterally to

reduce the roles and risks associated with nuclear  weapons,

to modify the nuclear force posture associated with the

Cold War, and to  ensure that excess nuclear material from

dismantled nuclear weapons is not returned  to military use.

This includes not only de-targeting, and removing strategic

bombers  from alert status, but also cancellation of a

number of strategic modernization  programs and reduction

of non-strategic nuclear forces.



In support of its commitment to nuclear disarmament, the

United States has  already eliminated nearly 10,000

strategic and non-strategic nuclear warheads, and will 

continue to do so at a safe and effective rate. At this point

in time, the U.S. has reduced  from its Cold War peak 90

percent of its non-strategic nuclear stockpile and 47 

percent of its strategic nuclear stockpile. In addition, the

United States has unilaterally  removed more than 225

metric tons of fissile material from its nuclear stockpile and 

has voluntarily offered to place this excess material under

IAEA safeguards. Twelve  tons of HEU and PU are already

under IAEA safeguards.





IAEA AND 93+2



Effective international safeguards are understood to be a

sine qua non for  effective nonproliferation. Just last week

in Vienna negotiations were completed on a  Model

Protocol that will strengthen the efficiency and

effectiveness of safeguards and complete the crucial work

on Program 93 + 2 undertaken in the aftermath of the Gulf

War and the discoveries related to Iraq's clandestine nuclear

program. The United States has been actively involved in

helping to move this process forward and is pleased to see

that the work of the committee has been completed. I must

underscore that the United States will accept the Protocol in

its entirety and apply all of its provisions. We will treat it as

an integral part of our existing voluntary offer and make

our commitment legally binding.





NWFZ/NSA



In the past two years the United States has signed the

protocols to the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone and to the

African Nuclear Weapon Free Zone thus bringing to three

the number of nuclear weapon free zone treaties with which

the United States is now associated. Through these

protocols, the U.S. has provided negative security

assurances to the roughly 90 non-nuclear-weapon states

parties to these treaties. The assurances contained in these

protocols complement assurances provided through our

national statements and reaffirmed in UNSC RES 984 of

April 1995.





UNIVERSAL ADHERENCE



We continue to support the objective of universal adherence

to the NPT , recognize this as an important goal. welcome

the addition of eight states to treaty membership since 1995

and are committed to continuing efforts to achieve a truly

universal treaty.  PEACEFUL NUCLEAR 





COOPERATION



The United States is no less committed to peaceful nuclear

cooperation than to nonproliferation and nuclear

disarmament goals of the Treaty. We remain the leading

supporter for the technical cooperation program of the

IAEA, which has a central role in implementing Article IV

of the NPT, both in terms of direct financial support and

support "in kind" such as training, fellowships and cost-free

experts. And we continue to provide significant nuclear

assistance on a bilateral basis. Of course, our ability to do

these things is predicated on a safe and secure nuclear

nonproliferation regime and treaty compliance by recipient

states.





FMCT



Mr. Chairman, even this brief review indicates how much

has been accomplished. Much more, of course, remains to

be done as we continue to move down the path toward a

world ultimately free of nuclear weapons. I have already

spoken to how this must be a collective effort. One of the

measures that requires our urgent attention is the achieving

of a fissile material cut-off convention that will put a

quantitative cap on the production of fissile material for

nuclear weapons and bring all fissile material production

capacity everywhere under IAEA safeguards,

complementing constraints on the improvement and

development of nuclear weapons resulting from the CTBT.



The United States ceased production of fissile material for

we in nuclear weapons in 1992 and since 1993 has worked

tirelessly to initiate negotiations on an international treaty

on this matter. President Clinton cited a cut-off treaty as

one of his Administration's highest arms control and

nonproliferation priorities and has urged the immediate

commencement of negotiations in the Conference on

Disarmament. Regrettably, the actions of a few countries

have precluded this. We hope that NPT parties will work

with us in support of the mutual commitment we al] made

in 1995 to commence FMCT negotiations at the CD on the

basis of the Shannon mandate and without conditions.



Mr. Chairman, nonproliferation, nuclear disarmament and

ensuring that nuclear energy and technology are dedicated

to exclusively peaceful purposes under effective

international controls is a full-time, long-term proposition.

For this, the NPT is the legal and political cornerstone. We

have made it a permanent feature of the international

security architecture that sustains international peace and

security. We have before us the opportunity and the

responsibility to ensure that we succeed in consolidating

our gains and fulfilling our nonproliferation and

disarmament mission.