ACRONYM NPT
Update No. 4
A service
during the 1995 NPT Review and Extension Conference of
the ACRONYM Consortium and Disarmament Times
Proposals
for Indefinite, 25 Years
and No Extension At All
20 April
1995
Wednesday's plenary opened
with a strong call by South Africa for stronger
enforcement of the NPT, by means of indefinite extension
combined with concrete improvements to make the review
process more effective. In contrast with South Africa's
deeply considered statement looking to the future of the
NPT,US Vice President Al Gore delivered a wooden speech
rooted in the Treaty's past. Several non-aligned states
criticised the NPT'sshortcomings and expressed
dissatisfaction with progress towards its full
implementation, particularly of Article VI on nuclear
disarmament. Venezuela proposed extending the NPT for 25
years, after which there would be a further extension
conference, while the Syrian Arab Republic opposed any
extension unless Israel acceded to the Treaty. Main
Committees I (disarmament) and II (safeguards) opened in
Conference Room 4, while the following states'
representatives addressed the plenary: South Africa,
Finland, United States, Jordan, Syria, Norway, Tanzania,
Greece, Poland, Romania, Malaysia, Venezuela, Republic of
Korea, Slovakia, Luxembourg, Sri Lanka, Kuwait, Gabon,
Croatia, Cameroon.
Following a close fought
internal debate, South African Foreign Minister Alfred
Nzo backed indefinite extension of the NPT 'in principle'
(deliberately omitting 'unconditional'), arguing that it
must not be placed in jeopardy either by attaching
specific conditions to its future existence or by an
extension taken by a small majority. He then devoted the
rest of his substantive address to concrete proposals to
strengthen the review process, proposing the adoption of
'Principles for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and
Disarmament' and convening of a Committee tasked with
addressing various aspects and making recommendations.
The Committee would meet in between the five yearly
reviews mandated in Article VIII.3, thus ensuring a more
coherent approach to the Treaty's implementation. Though
stressing that this proposal was not an amendment but 'a
lodestar'; not conditions, but a 'yardstick', Nzo made it
clear that the credibility of the extended Treaty would
depend on a more effective review process and
accountability. At the fourth PrepCom, South Africa had
presented a legal interpretation of Article X.2 (covering
the extension decision) which expressed interest in a
long term rolling extension, to provide both pressure and
durability. Some non-aligned states were disappointed by
South Africa's decision to back indefinite extension, but
for others it could offer a new and constructive means
for non-nuclear-weapon states to maintain pressure to
ensure compliance even if the treaty is made permanent. A
number of Western delegates expressed relief that South
Africa had chosen to support the indefinite option, but
some criticised the review proposals as 'tantamount to
conditions'. The United States reminded delegates of the
recent arms reduction and control measures undertaken by
the US and Russia. Offering nothing new to reassure
non-nuclear weapon states of their future intentions,
Gore endorsed the four power (April 6) statement that
nuclear disarmament remained its 'ultimate goal'. The
bulk of the statement aimed to contradict the main
arguments against indefinite extension and to convince
states that 'the US will work closely with other
delegations to ensure that the review mechanism remains
vital and effective.' In an overstatement that disturbed
advocates of the 25 year rolling extension as a
reasonable fall-back option, Gore said this would have
the 'same consequences for nuclear planning as...a
decision taken right now to terminate the Treaty.' The
Vice President concluded by criticising the NAM's
advocacy of a secret ballot on the extension decision as
undemocratic, saying that states 'must expect to take
responsibility for [their] actions.'
Ambassador Adolfo
Taylhardat of Venezuela again proposed what has come to
be called 'the Venezuelan option': to 'roll over' the
treaty 'in the same terms and conditions in which it was
originally concluded.' According to Venezuela's legal
interpretation, this would extend the treaty for 25
years,after which an extension conference would choose
one of the three options in Article X.2. Although most
other legal interpretations provided so far seem to deny
the validity of this option, Taylhardat argues that it
would not require amendment and offers a simple and
straightforward alternative to indefinite extension,
capable of gathering a consensus.
Syria and Jordan raised
concerns about Israel's nuclear weapon programme, with
Syria opposing any extension of the NPT 'unless Israel
accedes to the Treaty and subjects its nuclear
installations to international inspection.' According to
Syrian Foreign Minister Farouk Al-Shara, 'if Israel is a
nuclear weapons state - which indeed it is - it must
officially acknowledge that it possesses such weapons and
accept the international responsibilities emanating from
that fact...' Malaysia called for the nuclear weapon
states to set a 'timeframe for the elimination of all
nuclear weapons', and advocated extending the treaty 'for
a fixed period or periods, pegged to a schedule of
disarmament measures which the nuclear weapon states must
take, leading ultimately to a nuclear free world.' Sri
Lanka called for a 'long term extension'. The EU and
Eastern European representatives all advocated indefinite
extension. Norway, in addressing the problems of fissile
materials went beyond support for a cut-off: 'concrete
steps must be taken to establish a regime that would
include declarations of stockpiles of all weapons grade
materials...' Norwegian Ambassador Bjorn Tore Godal
concluded by saying that 'the first and most important
barrier to proliferation of nuclear weapons...is an
international political order which makes these weapons
meaningless...'
Note: Inevitably these
short updates cannot cover everything of importance, but
some statements have had to be omitted because of the
impossibility of obtaining copies in time. Access to the
UN in New York, areas of its buildings, the Conference
delegates and proceedings has been more and more
restricted with each passing day. This makes the job of
gathering and providing information unnecessarily
difficult. If, as US Vice President Al Gore said, we
should hold our governments accountable for what they
decide in the NPT Conference, then we need effective
information about the debates leading up to the
decisions.
This update was written by
Rebecca Johnson.
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