As bombs
fall on Iraq, the threat of a chemical, biological or nuclear
attack remains a real threat to US and coalition forces. But, with
the hope that there is no attack using weapons of mass
destruction, the majority of US casualties in this war will be
from small arms and light weapons.
Moreover, the real threat to the rebuilding of Iraq may be
these weapons as well.
According
to media reports, Iraq is one of the most heavily armed countries
in the world. It is believed that there are enough guns in Iraq
for every person in Iraq to possess at least one, a level similar
to gun ownership in clans in Yemen and Somalia, as well as in the
United States. With a
population of approximately 24 million, there are probably
millions of small arms in the hands of civilians. The gun culture
is pervasive in Iraq. There
is even an Iraqi saying, “Give everything to your friend, except
your car, your wife, and your gun.”
Small arms
and light weapons are widely available in Iraq, both on the legal
and black markets. These
weapons are not necessarily new, but they are still deadly.
Weapons left over from the end of Ottoman Empire in 1918 and World
War II have been available in arms bazaars throughout Iraq.
More modern weapons are also available, especially in the
illicit arms markets, with weapons for sale from the United
States, Turkey and Iran. Beyond simply guns, Iraqis civilians also
have had access to other light weapons, such as rocket-propelled
grenades, mortars and bombs through the black market, arms bazaars
and from government sources.
The
majority of military-style weapons in the hands of civilians in
Iraq come from three sources, according to media reports. First,
civilians possess weapons from government arsenals that were
looted in 1991. Second, weapons have been provided to the main
Shi’ite rebel group by Iran. Third, the Iraqi government has
provided AK-47s to leaders of Sunni and Shi’ite tribal leaders
for dispersal.
Moreover,
it is widely believed that Saddam’s government has trained
civilians, including units of children, in small arms usage and
combat techniques and tactics. These trainees were given firearms,
including military assault rifles to keep in their home in the
event of an attack. Indeed, in February 2003, thousands of small
arms-bearing civilians paraded down the streets of Mosul to
demonstrate the capacity of ordinary Iraqis to wage war. This is
not a new tactic. During
the Iran-Iraq war, the Iraqi government provided AK-47s to
decommissioned soldiers, Ba’ath party members and tribal
leaders.
In the
months preceding the outbreak of war, small arms in Iraq
fluctuated in price. A shotgun was selling for $100, Iraqi-made
“Tariq” 7.65 mm pistols for $200; AK-47 assault rifles were
selling for between $120 and $250, Israeli Uzis and German MP5
submachine guns for $400, a 9mm Beretta for $850.
Each bullet was selling for around 25 cents.
Despite the obvious demand for guns, there was an
oversupply within the market. When the Iraqi government gave away
weapons, citizens frequently sold them to buy food. Indeed, some
arms merchants were buying the weapons in Iraq and then smuggling
them into the Kurdish areas to make a small profit.
In the Kurdish areas, prices for AK-47s were as low as $70
and hand grenades were selling between $3 and $10.
Higher prices were paid for weapons made in the West
against those from Russia, China, Iran or Egypt. However, in the
days immediately before the US land invasion, the small arms trade
exploded, as civilians became fearful of their safety, not only
from invading US forces, but from Kurdish groups and their
well-armed neighbours. In fact, prices for AK-47s shot up to
around $500 in some areas.
In addition
to civilians, US and coalition forces will also have to deal with
armed opposition groups. The
Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic
Party (KDP) are also well armed. The KDP, for example, is believed
to have small arms, Iranian light artillery, rocket launchers and
some surface-to-air missiles.
The PUK is believed to have T-54 and T-55 tanks, as well as
mortars, anti-aircraft guns and surface-to-air missiles. However,
unlike government forces further south, these groups have tried to
remove the large number of small arms from circulation. For
example, in 1997 the KDP opened an arms market and determined that
only KDP soldiers or those with KDP-issued permits could purchase
weapons from the market. They recorded the buyers’ names and the
serial numbers of each purchase.
While
Saddam had hoped that the Iraqi people would use their small arms
to fight off advancing US troops, it is highly unlikely large
numbers will do so. There is no doubt, however, that these
millions of military style weapons in the hands of civilians will
have a real impact on the aftermath of war.
In the lawlessness that is likely to result from the fall
of the Iraqi government, small arms could be used to gain power,
commit crime, cause insecurity and be used for internal fighting.
Certainly,
strategies that address the rebuilding of Iraq will have to take
small arms and the demilitarization of ex-combatants and civilians
into account. With the end of the civil war in El Salvador the
incidence of gun violence and crime increased, and more civilians
were killed in the aftermath of the civil war than during the
years of fighting. It will be up to those responsible for the
rebuilding of Iraq to ensure that small arms do not cause more,
even deadlier, problems for the Iraqi people.