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January
17, 2003
CONTENTS
WELCOME
Welcome to the first
e-mail bulletin for a new project 'Conflict in Iraq - concerns and consequences'.
The project is a joint initiative by three foreign-affairs
think-tanks - the British American Security Information Council
(BASIC),
the International Security Information Service (ISIS)
and Saferworld
to inform international consideration of the political, military and economic
dynamics of the crisis over Iraq.
The primary purpose of
the project is to ensure that foreign policy towards,
and interventions in, Iraq
act to strengthen peace and security and are undertaken
in accordance with humanitarian principles and international
law. The
prospect of war in Iraq looms large. The weapons inspectors
have, in the words
of Hans Blix, "not yet found any smoking guns". But
President Bush and Prime
Minister Blair insist that Saddam Hussein is hiding weapons of
mass destruction
and launched a massive build-up of troops in the Gulf. There
is a debate as to whether the discovery of empty warheads
could indicate a breach in Baghdad's UN ageement, but UNMOVIC
has said this is not yet the "smoking
gun" that is being sought. Hasty conclusions are
unhelpful and it is important that the weapons inspectors are
given time to do their work.
There are
divisions within the EU and
the US about whether a second UN Security Council resolution would be needed
before any military action is taken. Public opinion
in Europe is sceptical of the need or rationale for war, and
in the US is
against unilateral action.
Any international
military action in Iraq will have serious regional
consequences and global
implications. It is vital that all possible avenues to resolve the conflict
peacefully are explored. However, daily reporting on the situation has tended to
focus on the short-term dynamics of war. A number
of outstanding questions need to be explored.
These
weekly e-mail information
bulletins, covering specific issues such as the regional
impact of a
war, economic drivers, military manoeuvres, key political
debates and opinion
polls, are intended to be a useful resource for government
officials, parliamentarians,
journalists, academics and NGOs. At the end of January,
a website will be launched on which authors from across the
political spectrum will be
writing thought-provoking discussion papers to instigate
a wider debate.
We hope you find the
project a useful resource and would welcome any comments
or feedback.
Best wishes,
| Ian Davis |
Stephen
Pullinger |
Paul Eavis |
| Director,
BASIC |
Director, ISIS |
Director,
Saferworld |
If you would like to unsubscribe from these email updates,
please email: unsubscribe@iraqconflict.org.
QUOTES OF THE WEEK
"The
burden of proof is not on the United States, it's not on the
United Nations or the international community to prove that
Iraq has
these
weapons. The burden of proof is on the Iraqi regime to prove
that it is disarming, and to show the inspectors where the
weapons are." Donald Rumsfeld, Pentagon briefing 15
January
"Baghdad,
its people and leadership, is determined to force the Mongols
of our age to commit suicide at its gate." Saddam
Hussein 17 January (BBC
Translation)
"Last week was only the
first week they (the inspectors) were in there, with
their full complement. Let the
inspectors do their task. I don't think there
is any point putting an arbitrary timescale on it."
Tony Blair, 13 January
UK
and European Debates
UK
- divisions over second UN resolution
After
a week of continuing public unease at
the prospect of a war in Iraq, Prime Minister Blair strongly
reiterated his commitment to disarm
Iraq of weapons of mass destruction, with or
without a second UN resolution. Blair restated this during his
January
13 press conference "if you did have a breach, went
back to the UN and someone put an unreasonable or unilateral
block on action then in those circumstances we have said we
can’t be in a position where we are confined in that way". Blair has
re-emphasised his support to the weapons inspectors, saying
that they need
time and space to do their job, having only had one week
working in their "full complement". The Prime Minister’s justification for military action is
that Britain is at threat unless biological and chemical
weapons are kept out of terrorists hands.
Blair’s
comments should have gone some way to quell calls by the
Conservative Party that the government’s mixed messages were
a sign that the PM was ‘wobbling’ on Iraq, and failing to
make the case for British involvement in the conflict.
The Foreign Secretary Jack Straw was blamed for the
confusion after stating that the
chances of war had receded to 60:40 against.
This remark drew criticism from the Defence
Secretary, Geoff Hoon who
quickly dismissed the figures as unhelpful and Blair failed to
endorse them. The
Liberal Democrats have positioned themselves as the largest parliamentary party most adamantly in favour of UN backing
before military action should take place.
Some
reports suggest that Blair
also faces opposition from more than half of his own Cabinet
if he involves troops in a US-led war without an ‘overt UN
mandate, substantiated by evidence President Saddam has hidden
weapons of mass destruction’. (Guardian
15.01.03, Cabinet tells Blair: Stick with UN on Iraq)
Pressure
mounts in House of Lords
During
Question Time in the Lords on January 14, a former British
envoy to the UN, Lord Richard (Labour) gave
a stern warning not to go to war with Iraq unless there is
a new UN mandate. Baroness
Symons, the Foreign Office Minister told him "we would,
if possible like to secure another security council resolution
before any military action was taken.
That is the government’s position".
A wary Lord Howell (Conservative Foreign
Affairs Spokesperson) stated that if the
government went ahead without another resolution they would
have to make a clear case for war to a "rather confused
and sceptical British public". Lord Craig (crossbencher),
a former Chief of the Defence Staff, asked whether UN
inspectors had been able to corroborate claims made in the
Government’s dossier last year about the extent of Iraq’s
biological, chemical and nuclear weapons.
Symons admitted there was "not one single fact
that would lead one to say that there were weapons of mass
destruction" but that a "very powerful case was made".
UK
voices outside Parliament
Douglas
Hurd, former Conservative British Foreign Secretary expressed
concerns over the consequences of a pre-emptive strike on Iraq
in a recent article
in the Financial Times.
The benefits of overthrowing Saddam Hussein risked
"turning the Middle East into an inexhaustible recruiting
ground for anti Western terrorism" (Douglas Hurd “War
with Iraq will not end the dangers” 03/03/03).
Religious
leaders have been particularly vocal in their opposition to
war with Iraq. The Bishop
of Oxford said a fresh UN resolution is “absolutely
essential if military action was to be morally justified”
Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O’Connor, leader of the
Catholic Church in England and Wales and the Pope have also
voiced concern. Only
Chief Rabbi, Dr Jonathon Sacks has suggested that war might be
justified.
EU – a
united voice?
If
the EU is to have a real influence over events politically it
will have to agree a common position on what the next steps
should be. However, this will be difficult. Despite a
degree of convergence of
opinion between member states recently,
differences regarding policy towards Iraq still
remain, especially over the use of sanctions. Over the coming months the role of the High Representative
will be debated and the outcome will be crucial.
Whilst many wish to see the establishment of a proper
European foreign secretary, it is questionable whether the
political will of national leaders is there to give that
person genuine responsibility (Quentin Peel, Europe needs a
united foreign policy, the Financial Times 06/01/03). The conflict in Iraq could be a real test in the discussions
over an evolving common foreign policy.
Both France and Germany stand behind the need for a
second UN resolution before any military action could be taken
on Iraq. Gerhard Schroder this week stated that Germany would
“make its basic position unmistakably clear in statements
and votes” though it is still unclear whether this stance
would include voting against a war within the UN Security
Council. (The Times 15/01/03)
The Greek
Presidency looks for common stand
In
a speech setting the priorities of
the incoming Greek EU Presidency, Prime Minister Costas Simitis
stated that Iraq must fully comply with the resolutions of the
Security Council. He said that the conflict in Iraq was the
“priority in our agenda” and added that the main aim of
the United Nations process should be to “lead to a positive
outcome and that war be avoided”. The
Prime minister later reiterated this point in a television
interview, again calling for efforts to avert war and to
“ensure that the Union takes a common stand on the issue”.
EU peace
mission
The
Greek Government is also looking towards embarking on a peace
mission. George
Papandreau, foreign minister of Greece, has said that they
would seek to persuade Arab countries to mediate between
Baghdad and the USA. The trip is still in the planning stage
and would include visits to Syria, Jordan, Lebanon and Saudi
Arabia as well as meeting with Palestinian and Israeli
officials. The
Greek minister is likely to be accompanied by Chris Patten and
Javier Solana.
EU concern
over humanitarian costs of military action
As
the largest international donor, the EU is looking ahead and
drawing up contingency funds in dealing with the humanitarian
crisis expected if there is military action in Iraq.
There are concerns that a transatlantic division of
labour has emerged during recent conflicts with the US leading
military conflicts and the EU footing the bill for post-war
re-building. The EU has been the largest single donor to
Kosovo for example, providing more than 800 million euros to
the area during 1999-2002 (European Voice, 9-15 January 2003), and the EU
is also already paying billions of euros to help re-build
Afghanistan. Chris Patten, EU external relations commissioner,
has indicated to the Guardian
this week that difficulties may arise if military action
is outside a UN mandate.
“I would find it much more difficult to get the
approval of member states and the European Parliament if the
military intervention that had occasioned the need for
development aid did not have a UN mandate.”
US
Debates
Latest
positions
“I
am sick and tired of games and deception,” said President
Bush on Tuesday
January 14, “he has been given 11 years to disarm and we
have given him one last chance.”
Although President Bush offered no real deadline to
Iraq or no date for a possible
attack, the administration says that a full-scale launch
could not realistically happen before late February or early
March, given the current troop logistics and political
considerations, both national and international.
Michael
Vickers of the Centre for Strategic and Budgetary
Assessments, a defence policy think tank in Washington, said,
“if the international community
is dead against us, it may be prudent to back down.”
This statement was made as Saudi
Arabia and Turkey urged the US for more time for peace
initiatives, Germany
said that it will not take part, France
will not decide until there is a clear UN Mandate, and even Britain,
a strong US ally, is pushing for more time for inspections.
On
January 15, even former President Bill Clinton advised that UN arms inspections should be
allowed to continue their work in Iraq and that the US should
not try to act alone.
Regime
change debates in US and Europe
Although
disarming Iraq remains the stated priority, the intention of
the Bush administration to effect regime change in Iraq has
showed no signs of waning.
In the past week, George W. Bush has met with several
Iraqi opposition leaders, presumably to discuss the structure
of a post-Saddam Iraq.
Reports have also surfaced of various scenarios that
are being devised to bring this about.
The possibility of the Iraqi leader’s exile is one
that has been proposed, and commanded some support, within
some Arab and European states.
The question of whether the US would accept the
resignation of Saddam is, of course, largely dependent on who
his replacement(s) would be, and it seems unlikely that the US
would be willing to accept him/them if, by doing so, logistical
control over the rebuilding of Iraq were to be sacrificed.
Costs
of war
Original
Congressional Budget Office estimates for the cost of
military action in the Gulf ranged from $14 to $20 billion for
deployment and return, along with an extra $6 to $9 billion
for each month of any war prosecuted. These were seen as not
inclusive of allies' contributions nor for post-conflict
costs. On 9 January Dean Baker and Mark Weisbrot of
the Center for Economic and Policy Research estimated
additional costs of 1.6 million jobs from the shock caused by
a new oil crisis and a sustained annual reduction of 0.1% in
GDP from increased terrorism and even greater cost
requirements for counter-terrorism measures as a direct
response to US hostilities. Their report developed research by
William Nordhaus and others originally published
in November by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
Brown-Kind
Congressional letter
Representatives
Sherrod Brown (D-OH) and Ron Kind (D-WI) are circulating a
Congressional letter for signature promoting adherence to UN
Resolution 1441 and for inspections to be given a chance to
work. The letter
will be sent to the President next week.
UN
ACTIVITIES
Inspections
On 16 January,
slightly less than two months after the 27 November resumption
of inspections in Iraq, inspectors visiting the Ukhaider
Ammunitions Storage Area found
twelve empty 122mm chemical warheads, eleven of which were
empty and one of which required further evaluation.
The response to these findings by the US and the UK –
the two biggest supporters of military intervention in Iraq
– has been decidedly measured. Speaking
on the Today Programme, Foreign Office Minister Mike
O’Brien argued that there was “no rush to judgment”.
When asked whether or not such findings constituted a
material breach, he replied simply that “we will have to
wait and see what the inspectors say”.
More notably – particularly in the wake of Bush’s
recent intimations of time running out for Saddam – the
American response has been equally conservative, with US
Ambassador to the United Nations John Negroponte identifying
the findings only as an “interesting
development”. Whether
these discoveries ultimately lend credence to the ‘doves’
argument that inspections can indeed work as yet remains
unclear.
Ostensibly,
the inspections taking place in Iraq thus far have proceeded
without incident, with prompt access and no interference when
seeking access to suspected weapons sites.
In his briefings to the UN Security Council, given on 19
December and 9
January, Dr. Hans Blix (Executive Chairman, UNMOVIC) made
reference to the gaps that remain in the Iraq weapons
declaration and the questions that therefore arise from them.
On 9 January, Blix observed that while the absence
of the proverbial ‘smoking gun’ was welcome, this absence
did not demonstrate that the accusations of Iraqi
non-compliance were without basis.
During these briefings, the contents of the 12,000 page
Iraqi declaration of 7 December were identified as containing
a substantial amount of recycled information from previous
years.
Blix
declared that as of 9 January, 150 inspections of 127 sites
had taken place. Reports
on
15 January described a second inspection visit to
one of the high profile presidential palaces. On the same day – en route to Brussels to meet
European leaders – Blix stated that in spite of the cooperation
that had been given to inspectors, Iraq needed “to
do a good deal more to provide evidence if we are to avoid any
worse development”. Both he and International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA) Director General Mohamed ElBaradei will
be in Baghdad to meet with Iraqi officials on the 18 and 19
January, before reporting
to the Security Council on 27 January.
Food
aid
In
the event of a war in Iraq, a recent
UN report predicted that one of the key areas of
disruption would be to food supplies.
It has been estimated that approximately 60% of the
population depend on a monthly food basket.
A conflict in Iraq would disturb this already-tenuous
supply.
Given that many families receiving such aid sell some
food to generate income for other needs, they can be expected
to have little in the way of reserves if the supply is
interrupted.
LATEST
POLL RESULTS
In
general, US opinion broadly supports military
intervention in Iraq, even one that includes a ground attack.
Contrary, perhaps, to the perceived unilateralism of
the American public, much of this support appears to be
contingent upon whether such intervention is supported by
others in the international community.
In a December poll conducted by the Los
Angeles Times, 68% of those surveyed agreed strongly or
agreed somewhat (44% and 24% respectively) with the statement:
“the United States should take military action
against Iraq only if that military action has the support of
the international community.”
This same poll found a slim majority (52%) of
respondents holding a favourable impression of the United
Nations and 72% believing that George W. Bush needs to
provide more evidence of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction.
Nonetheless, one Gallup
poll conducted this week showed that despite a drop in the
approval ratings for the Bush administration’s foreign
policy, support for invading Iraq has remained relatively
constant, while one
last week demonstrated that preventing Iraq from attaining
weapons of mass destruction was seen by 86% of respondents as
a “very important” goal for US military action.
Outside
the US there exists far less conviction as regards the
necessity, and justification provided, for war in Iraq.
In the United Kingdom, opposition to war with Iraq is
slightly more marked, levelling off at about 40%,
with support for Tony Blair’s policy standing at just over
50% (according to a recent YouGov
survey) if such action is first approved by the UN.
While less persuaded of the need to go to war with
Iraq, British public support nevertheless outstrips that in
fellow Security Council member, France.
In an ongoing online poll, conducted on the expression-publique
website in association with Le Monde, 57% of
respondents did not consider war with Iraq – and regime
change – an acceptable policy even in the event of clear
Iraqi non-compliance with its obligations.
A huge majority (89%), however, believe that the US is
intent on war with Iraq regardless of the results of UN
inspections.
REGIONAL
AND STRATEGIC IMPACTS
Palestine
In
recognition of the importance of a resolution to the
Palestinian question to a successful outcome from today's
crisis in the Middle East, the UK government this week held a
conference on Palestinian Reform. The conference was the cause
of a deepening rift between the Israeli and UK governments. In
a Ministerial
statement, UK Foreign Secretary Jack Straw said,
"We were joined through
a video link by Palestinian Authority Ministers and civil
society representatives, as the Israeli Government had
unacceptably denied permission for them to travel to
London." Nevertheless, agreement
was achieved on constitutional reforms, commitment to free
and fair, open elections, and further commitments over the
next months to develop plans to consolidate a Palestinian
authority.
North
Korea
Elsewhere,
voices continue to be raised regarding the differing
approaches taken to the attempted acquisition of weapons of
mass destruction by Iraq and North Korea.
The official
US State Department response to such allegations has tended to argue that the
circumstances of the two cases are sufficiently different to require
different responses. Nonetheless, the apparent inclination of the
Bush administration towards a diplomatic resolution vis-à-vis
North Korea and a military resolution in
relation to
Iraq has exposed a lack of policy continuity,
despite the fact that voices have been raised in Congress and
in the US public expressing equal concern over North Korea as
over Iraq.
UP-COMING
EVENTS
Jan
18 & 19: Blix and ElBaradei meet top Iraqi officials in Baghdad.
Jan 24: Scheduled date for US to begin smallpox vaccinations
for health and emergency workers.
Jan 27: UN Security Council’s report on weapons inspections
due.
Jan 28: US State of the Union speech.
Jan 29: UN Security Council discusses report.
Jan 31: Bush and Blair will be meeting at Camp David.
Jan 31: Deadline for Pentagon report on coordination and
integration of all US non-proliferation activities.
Feb 3: Possible date for US annual budget.
Feb 15: Mass anti-war protests planned across Europe.
Mar 1: Hans Blix presents quarterly report
to UN Security Council
Mar 27: Blix sets out the steps Iraq must
take to disarm
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