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NATO

Few periods in the life of an institution are as critical as the one the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is facing now. The 26-member alliance is simultaneously engaged in the most difficult military mission it has ever undertaken (in Afghanistan) while also undergoing pressure to transform itself in an uncertain world. It is clear that the 21st century security environment requires the Alliance to transform, but the organisational discussions at the 2006 Riga Summit were too narrowly focused on force modernisation, interoperability and membership.

BASIC made a detailed submission in December 2007 to the UK House of Commons Defence Committee inquiry into the 'Future of NATO and European Defence'. We argued that, in addition to carrying out a much-needed debate on how to stabilise Afghanistan, given the enormous changes that have taken place since the 1999 Strategic Concept was agreed, NATO should initiate a review process with the aim of agreeing a new Strategic Concept in 2009. Three goals should be fundamental to such a review:

  1. Affirming collective defence, disaster relief, conflict prevention, counter-and non-proliferation and peacekeeping missions as the primary purpose of NATO;
  2. Eliminating battlefield nuclear weapons from Europe and the adoption of a non-nuclear weapon security doctrine for the Alliance (including, as interim goals, withdrawal of the 480 US tactical nuclear weapons stationed in Europe and the withdrawal of Russian tactical weapons from operational deployment to secure storage); and
  3. Improving transparency, accountability and value for money within NATO, especially with regard to defence planning and procurement.

Goal 1: BASIC recommends that NATO should focus on:

(a) Collective defence of the transatlantic area with selective humanitarian/ disaster relief, conflict prevention, counter- and non-proliferation and peacekeeping missions 'out of area' where appropriately mandated and in accordance with international law. For the present, NATO does not need to become a global membership organisation, but as in Afghanistan (where 15 per cent of the troops are provided by non-NATO countries), the Alliance could facilitate and oversee 'coalitions of the willing' in support of these missions;

(b) Reshaping the NRF for peacekeeping and disaster response capabilities, and developing limited counter-insurgency and counter-intelligence capabilities, with clear rules of deployment; and

(c) Strengthening its cooperative threat reduction, weapons collection and destruction, and counter-proliferation capabilities, with a special emphasis on maritime interdiction under the Proliferation Security Initiative.

Goal 2: In the fullest recent statement of Government policy on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, the then Foreign Secretary, Margaret Becket, made it clear that the UK endorsed the appeal from Shultz/Kissinger/Perry /Nunn et al for a new initiative towards the global elimination of nuclear weapons. In particular, it believed that in combination with non-proliferation, the nuclear weapons states must take their nuclear disarmament responsibilities seriously, in order both to strengthen the arms control regime and to directly reduce risks (See Getting to Zero). As part of this policy the Government is sponsoring a research project on the practicality of ultimately attaining a nuclear weapons free world. In pursuit of such policies the Government should consider the following proposals:

(a) In the process of negotiating a new strategic concept, NATO should reduce the salience of nuclear weapons in strategic planning, with a view to moving progressively towards the adoption of a non-nuclear weapon security doctrine;

(b) NATO open negotiations with Russia to create an international treaty to eliminate tactical nuclear weapons; and

(c) Two interim goals should be: withdrawal of the 480 US tactical nuclear weapons stationed in Europe and the withdrawal of Russian tactical weapons from operational deployment to secure storage.

Goal 3: The lack of attention paid to the costs and the technical merit of the missile defence program is symbolic of a democratic deficit at the heart of the Alliance. Another example of failed transparency and accountability is the eight-year delay in NATO telling the Serbian government where thousands of cluster bombs were dropped during the 1999 Kosovo campaign. Throughout NATO's history, MPs in their national parliaments when asking questions about NATO decisions have invariably been told that such decisions are confidential. When the same questions were put to the Secretary General, he invariably replied that NATO was but an alliance of sovereign states. This Catch 22 situation may have served a purpose during the Cold War, but is no longer appropriate today. Adequate mechanisms for parliamentary accountability within NATO are urgently required. BASIC recommends that NATO's secrecy rules should be reviewed as part of the larger review of the Alliance's Strategic Concept.

Missile Defences: An Expensive Distraction from Real Security Needs

Also at Riga, NATO leaders agreed to establish a theatre missile defence system that is intended to provide NATO forces with protection from ballistic missiles with "an initial operational capability by 2010". NATO has agreed to assess by February 2008 the political and military implications of the planned missile defence systems in Europe, including the possibility of "bolting" NATO and US missile defence systems together. We lament the lack of any public debate in Britain (or any other Member State) about the desirability, or workability of missile defence, let alone about the strategic assumptions that underpin it. The British Parliament has a duty to question whether such assumptions are compatible with British national interests and our collective interests within NATO. Going ahead with the BMD proposal in Central Europe regardless of Russian opinion would be a huge mistake. More substantive US, Russian and NATO dialogue, within the NATO-Russia Council on BMD and other mutual security concerns is necessary to avoid further divisions in Europe. BASIC recommends that:

(a) any proposed bilateral or multilateral missile defence agreements involving the UK should be made available for prior parliamentary scrutiny (i.e. before being signed); and

(b) the numerous UK and NATO ballistic missile threat assessments and industrial studies should be declassified and placed in the public domain.

BASIC will be expanding on some of these themes as part of a review of NATO's Strategic Concept that we plan to undertake in 2008.

NATO Update

To Subscribe to the BASIC's NATO Update, please send an email to clindborg at basicint.org.

BASIC's Monthly Update on NATO. To mark the Riga Summit, BASIC will produce a monthly update on the transatlantic Alliance. See this first edition that covers Afghanistan, capabilities, peace operations, and other issues facing NATO, 27 November 2006.

BASIC Calls for Declassification of NATO's Missile Defence Study, BASIC Media Advisory, 31 May 2006.

BASIC'S NATO E-mail Update, Defence Ministers Meeting 9-10 June: Nuclear Arrangements, Afghanistan, Sudan, and Iraq, 9 June 2005

NATO Defence Ministers Meeting, 9 June, Call for NATO to withdraw all tactical nukes from Europe, BASIC Media Advisory, 7 June 2005

NATO Nuclear Sharing or Proliferation? presentation by BASIC Consultant Carol Naughton, to the NPT Review Conference, 11 May 2005

How Deep and How Long Will NATO Go in Afghanistan and Iraq? by Chris Lindborg, BASIC's NATO E-mail Series, 9 December 2004

NATO's Nuclear Posture: What's Next? by Alistair Millar and Jason Ipe, BASIC's NATO E-mail Series, 8 December 2004

NATO-EU Relations State of Play as the EU Takes Over in Bosnia: Organisations Face a Crucial Window of Opportunity, by Annalisa Monaco, BASIC's NATO E-mail Series, 7 December 2004

NATO and Missile Defence: Stay Tuned This Could Get Interesting, BASIC Note, 30 June 2004.

NATO Nuclear Doctrine and the NPT, BASIC Briefing, 29 June 2004

The Problems Preventing NATO from Taking on a Larger Role in Iraq, BASIC Note, 28 June 2004

NATO Ministerial Meetings in Brussels: Looking Ahead to the Istanbul Summit in 2004, BASIC Briefing, 3 December 2003

NATO's Angry Sponsors: The View From Capitol Hill BASIC Note and 3rd Installment of NATO E-mail Series, 13 June 2003

Is NATO Coming Under Pressure to Amend Its Nuclear Policy? BASIC Note and 2nd Installment of NATO E-mail Series, 2 June 2003

A Tumultuous Time Since the Last Soiree Introduction to NATO E-mail Series, 2 June 2003

Senate Hearings on NATO Expansion: Key Issues of Concern BASIC Note, 28 April 2003

Time for a Nuclear Weapons-Free Zone in Europe? BASIC Note, 27 February 2003

Rapid Reaction Forces: More Questions Than Answers BASIC Note, 25 January 2003

The Results of the Prague Summit and the Challenges Ahead
Third Installment of NATO E-mail Series, 3 December 2002

NATO's Defense Gap: More Than Just Capabilities
Second Installment of NATO E-mail Series, 21 November 2002

As NATO Gets Bigger, Can It Downsize Nuclear Risks?
First Installment of NATO E-mail Series, 20 November 2002

Prospects for Prague BASIC Press Release on the upcoming NATO Summit, 19 November 2002

Publications

  • BASIC former director Daniel Plesch's testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee on NATO expansion, 5 November 1997, BASIC Paper #23 UK

Links

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