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NATO

German Peace Plan 'Still Alive,' Say Officials

22 April 1999

By Jack Seymour

German Embassy officers confirmed today that the German "peace plan," is still on the table for discussion among allies and in Moscow. Its "main aim," according to one, is to bring Russia into the process. Hence the idea of taking it up in the G-8 context. The plan has received support from the EU. However, the Russians remain "reluctant" or, at least, are still considering the basic conditions and, presumably, whether they feel confident about discussing them with Milosevic. The plan is meant to be a first step to be followed by the effort described in the "stability pact," introduced by the Germans and agreed in principle, at least, by the EU.

The plan, which the German diplomats insisted was a discussion paper, not a formal proposal, got a poor reception in the US because it was "misrepresented." Its ideas are "not unusual" and not much different from a number of other suggestions in circulation.

The diplomats did not know whether the plan itself would receive attention at the NATO Summit but said that ideas to resolve the Kosovo crisis are being intensively discussed every day. The ultimate fate of the plan, they thought, would depend on circumstances and, in the first instance on the Russians and, then, on Milosevic and his willingness to accept the basic conditions, e.g. cease-fire and withdrawal, international peace force, transitional administration, and so forth.

Comment: The Russians will hardly act in earnest unless they feel confident Milosevic is looking for an "out.". The plan could also apply if, as so far seems unlikely, Milosevic were gone and some other

Yugoslav representative came forward, but that also seems unlikely at this point. As a general prescription, the plan lays out a reasonable outline for resolution of the crisis once the time is right It asserts a UN role and calls for an "international peace force," as opposed to a NATO one, both of which may still be hard for the US to accept, but it generally outlines the kind of things that may have to be undertaken to deal with Kosovo no matter how the immediate crisis ends.

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