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NATO Reiterates Controversial Nuclear Doctrine
25 April 1999
By Otfried Nassauer and Thomas Neve
NATO's new Strategic Concept, adopted yesterday
at the Washington Summit, leaves the Alliance's controversial
nuclear doctrine unchanged. The language adopted by NATO's
leaders is almost identical with the one used in NATO's Strategic
Concept of 1991. However, some minor changes have been made,
the amount of language on nuclear issues has been somewhat
reduced, and the Alliance committed itself to continue to
review its nuclear policy.
As expected, the language describing when NATO
would consider using nuclear weapons was changed. It now reads:
"The circumstances in which any use of nuclear weapons might
have to be contemplated" are said to be "extremely remote,"
a change from 1991's "even more remote".
However, most of the language has been untouched:
"The fundamental purpose of the nuclear forces of the Allies
is political: to preserve peace and prevent coercion and any
kind of war." They ensure "uncertainty in the mind of any
aggressor about the nature of the Allies' response to military
aggression." NATO continues to hold that strategic nuclear
weapons provide "the supreme guarantee of the security of
the Allies." (para 62) It believes that "a credible Alliance
nuclear posture and the demonstration of Alliance solidarity
and common commitment to war prevention continue to require
widespread participation by European Allies involved in collective
defence planning in nuclear roles, in peacetime basing of
nuclear forces on their territory and in command, control
and consultation arrangements." Thus NATO's controversial
policy of nuclear sharing is left unchanged for the time being.
Sub-strategic nuclear weapons are described
as providing "an essential political and military link between
Europe and the North American members of the Alliance."
NATO praises itself for the "dramatic reduction
of the types and numbers of NATO's sub-strategic forces" undertaken
since 1991, the "relaxation of the readiness criteria for
nuclear-roled forces; and the termination of standing peacetime
nuclear contingency plans." (para 64) The Alliance will "maintain,
at a minimum level consistent with the security environment,
adequate sub-strategic forces based in Europe, which will
provide an essential link with strategic nuclear forces, reinforcing
the transatlantic link."
The new Strategic Concept does not reiterate
the political assurances that have been given to Russia, starting
in 1997, that NATO would not deploy nuclear weapons in the
Alliance's new member states during peacetime.
However, some news is contained in the Alliance's
Summit Communiqué:
In the light of overall strategic developments
and the reduced salience of nuclear weapons, the Alliance
will consider options for confidence and security building
measures, verification, non-proliferation and arms control
and disarmament. The Council in Permanent Session will propose
a process to Ministers in December for considering such
options. The responsible NATO bodies would accomplish this.
(para 32)
This cryptic formula seems to announce the Alliance's
indirect answer to German and Canadian demands for a nuclear
policy review by NATO. Both countries demanded a full-scale
review of all aspects of NATO's nuclear doctrine, posture
and policy. Instead, it appears NATO announces a review of
its arms-control, disarmament and non-proliferation policies.
While this still leaves open the possibility that the debates
asked for by Germany, Canada and others will be held behind
closed doors (as some internal sources suggested before the
summit), the Alliance is preparing in public for an initiative
that is likely to be directed at the 2000 NPT Review Conference.
However, it remains unclear whether NATO's nuclear doctrine
will really be revisited in the months to come. "There's no
such thing as a profound review or study of strategy", said
a German official working for the Defense Ministry, which
opposed Foreign Minister Fischer's call for a strategy review.
The process will require utmost attention by
both arms-control groups and the wider public interested in
nuclear disarmament.
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