BASIC Comment
Cuckoos, Lame Ducks and White Elephants at
Riga
27 November 2006
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During the last NATO Summit in Istanbul in March
2004, the political leaders of the world's unrivalled military
alliance were frustrated with one another over the failure
to meet capabilities commitments, the Iraq invasion, and whether
the European Union and the Alliance were competing at cross-purposes.
But now, on the eve of the latest NATO Summit in Riga, many
Heads of State have their tails between their legs. Some have
been weakened politically at home -- especially President
Bush and Prime Minister Blair -- and others have been caught
off-guard with the challenges posed by the Afghanistan mission.
The most violent parts of Afghanistan have been
in the east and south, where Taliban and Al-Qaeda forces continue
to hold sway. The British general commanding all 31,000 Nato
troops in Afghanistan, Lt Gen. Richards, has said that British
forces have been involved in some of the fiercest fighting
since Korea. While General Lord Guthrie has described the
overstretched British deployment to Afghanistan as "cuckoo"
- a sentiment no doubt brought on in part by the restrictions
that other member states have placed on their troops. Clearly,
the 26 Heads of State ought to be worried by events in Afghanistan.
Riga urgently needs to clarify the purpose of
the mission in Afghanistan, resolve differences in terms of
deployment and close equipment gaps. To strengthen the Alliance's
stability operations in Afghanistan and elsewhere, an increase
in heavy airlift capabilities is expected to be agreed. This
makes sense. But it does not make sense for NATO leaders to
keep secretively ferrying through NATO's decision-making process
a ballistic missile defense plan for Europe when similar plans
in the United States have cost this wealthiest NATO member
more than $90 billion and have produced too few successes.
This whitest of elephants is especially illogical if allies
are in dire need of equipment for current operations.
The Riga Summit will include only the 26 full-fledged
members of the Alliance and none of the aspirants, so leaders
may duke it out all they want without having to invest their
energies elsewhere. Heads of State should feel ready to begin
a real and transparent discussion about NATO's purpose and
where it should spend its scarce resources. After all, what
do Alliance leaders have to lose at this point, except a war
in Afghanistan?
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Rift over Afghan mission looms
for NATO
By Thom Shanker
The
New York Times, 27 November 2006
WASHINGTON: NATO is bigger than ever, and it is reaching
further than ever before, by taking the lead in the war in Afghanistan.
But the Afghan mission threatens a rift within the Atlantic alliance
between those nations willing and able to participate fully in combat
operations in Afghanistan and those nations that are not.
The challenge represents a third generational test
for the allies - one fraught with argument and angst like the others
were. The first test was how best to face off against the Soviet
threat, a challenge that gave birth to NATO in 1949. The second
was whether to move beyond the boundaries of NATO's members in the
1990s to halt ethnic bloodshed in the Balkans.
NATO's 26 members and 11 non-alliance partners have
committed 32,000 troops to Afghanistan, with 12,000 Americans assigned
to the NATO portion of the mission. (Another 8,000 American troops
are in Afghanistan carrying out counterterrorism missions solely
under American command.)
Most nations have imposed restrictions on their member
troops that NATO commanders say hamper their ability to move forces
for missions and rescue other NATO forces that may get into trouble.
The restrictions include whether troops are allowed to conduct missions
at night, which parts of Afghanistan they may patrol and whether
they are permitted to conduct offensive operations against the Taliban.
Pentagon and military officers say the list of nations
with caveats, and the exact restrictions they have imposed, remains
classified, to avoid helping Taliban fighters assess alliance weak
points.
President Bush is expected to push for easing the
restrictions when he meets with NATO leaders on Tuesday and Wednesday
at an alliance summit meeting in Riga, Latvia.
Bush administration officials, diplomats from NATO
nations and military officers said that how the alliance resolved
the question of caveats would determine whether NATO's leading role
in Afghanistan represented a first step toward a broader future
for the alliance - or a peak that, once attained, might never be
scaled again.
Gen. James L. Jones, NATO's supreme allied commander,
told the Council on Foreign Relations in October that "there are
about 50 restrictions that have an operational impact, that impact
on the commander" in Afghanistan.
While NATO officials said progress had been made in
easing restrictions since then, the senior American officer in Afghanistan,
Lt. Gen. Karl Eikenberry, said this week that problems remained,
and that NATO nations needed to fulfill their commitments to send
troops, as well.
Eikenberry, chief of the Combined Forces Command-Afghanistan,
said Tuesday that NATO nations had contributed only "85 percent
of the level of what was promised." Speaking at the Pentagon, he
also said "there does remain the question of some countries that
have particular caveats - that is, restrictions on their ability
to commit to all missions of Afghanistan."
Experts on alliance relations now in the private sector
say the Afghanistan experience actually may raise the level of combat
competence among those nations that entered the mission with caveats
and reluctance to take on a heavy role in the fighting.
"I fall into the category of the half-full glass more
than the half-empty," said Gen. Joseph W. Ralston, who retired after
serving as NATO's supreme allied commander.
"We have seen a maturation in the past 11 years,"
said Ralston, now a distinguished senior adviser at the Center for
Strategic and International Studies, a policy institute here. "And
I think as the nations encounter the high-intensity conflict of
Afghanistan, there will in fact be a positive outcome that comes
from that."
Daniel Fried, the assistant secretary of state for
European and Eurasian affairs, said that even nations with troops
in Afghanistan under combat caveats contributed to reconstruction
and overall security, and that the system, however difficult, was
better than a wholly unilateral American mission.
"It is a success for the trans-Atlantic community
that despite disagreements about Iraq, despite politics and partisanship,
that NATO has undertaken a set of new missions with Afghanistan
front and center that changed the nature of the organization," Fried
said.
He emphasized that the summit meeting's work would
be to respond to current security challenges and improve the alliance's
responses.
NATO is not scheduled to accept any new members at
the Riga meeting. Even so, words of encouragement are expected for
three nations - Croatia, Macedonia and Albania - in line for membership,
perhaps as early as 2008.
And in an expansion of NATO's relations with nations
far from its traditional geographic sphere, members are expected
to propose establishing an initiative for a global partnership to
acknowledge the role that nations like Australia, Japan, South Korea,
Sweden and Finland play in NATO missions.
These countries "do not seek NATO membership, but
we seek a partnership with them so that we can train more intensively
from a military point of view and grow closer to them because we
are deployed with them," said R. Nicholas Burns, the under secretary
of state for political affairs.
"Australia, South Korea and Japan are in Afghanistan,"
he said. "They have all been in Iraq, as you know. They have all
been in the Balkans."
But Burns acknowledged that "for us, the No. 1 issue
is Afghanistan."
In a telephone interview, NATO's secretary general,
Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, said, "The threats and challenges facing
NATO as we speak are of a global nature: terrorism, proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction." He added: "NATO today is transforming
and adapting itself. We need 21st-century answers to 21st- century
threats and challenges."
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