BASIC Comment
Double or Quits for Nato in Afghanistan?
15 September 2006
Back to the BASIC Comment
index
The Financial Times editorial (September 5)
is spot on about the obligation we have to create stability
and security for the people of Afghanistan. As also detailed
by David Rohde in the New York Times of September 5, we are
looking failure in the eyes, despite President Bush's claim
in his September 5 speech that Afghanistan and Iraq "have
been transformed ...into allies in the war on terror". The
blame for this situation rests with US distaste for "nation-building"
despite President Bush's April 2002 promise of a Marshall
Plan for rebuilding Afghanistan.
The remedy does not consist of doubling the
NATO force or giving up. Yes, more peacekeepers are needed,
and the US should take on a larger role in providing security
as forces in Iraq are drawn down. But more needs to be done
on scores of other fronts where pledges by coalition members
have not fully been honored -police training, for example.
And President Karzai must take a more active role in cleaning
up his government and reaching out beyond Kabul.
The last thing we need to do is give up on Afghanistan,
as President Bush pledged we would not in 2002.
Robert L. Barry
US Ambassador (retired)
Ambassador Barry headed the OSCE election support mission
to Afghanistan in 2004. He is a member of BASIC's Board of
Trustees
|
Double or quits for Nato in
Afghanistan
Financial
Times, 5 September 2006
From the minute that a US-led coalition, acting in
response to the al-Qaeda attacks on New York and Washington five
years ago, brought down the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, it became
its obligation - morally and under the laws of war - to restore
stability and try to set the country on a path to modest but self-sustaining
prosperity.
That the size of that task has grown beyond all anticipation
does not in any measure diminish the obligation.
Afghanistan has long suffered from the inconstancy
of its well-wishers. The US, in alliance with Pakistan and Saudi
Arabia, was happy to arm, train and finance the Afghan mujahideen
in their jihad against the 1979-89 Soviet occupation. But once Moscow
had been forced to withdraw, Washington all but walked away from
Afghanistan, leaving it a shell state in which al-Qaeda was able
to incubate.
The aftermath of the 2001 invasion was not much better.
The difficult task of rebuilding a nation that has been in a state
of nearly constant warfare for the past quarter of a century has
barely begun. But that is closely related to the triple failure
to re-establish security.
First, insufficient commitment of military resources
forced the Taliban and its al-Qaeda allies into tactical retreat
rather than compelling their defeat. Second, allied reliance on
tribal militias, plus the virulent re-emergence of the opium trade
to finance and sustain both warlordism and insurgency, have meant
the writ of the elected government of Hamid Karzai barely extends
beyond the city limits of Kabul.
Third, of course, was Iraq. Not only did it divert
vast resources towards the wrong target. It has led to the techniques
of Iraqi insurgents - including roadside bombs and suicide attacks
- arriving in the Afghan arena.
Last month, Lieutenant-General David Richards, the
British commander of the Nato mission in Afghanistan, described
the prolonged and deadly fighting in the south of the country as
the worst involving British forces "since the Korean war or the
second world war". Yet, at the start of the year, John Reid, then
defence secretary, expressed the hope British troops would be able
to rebuild Afghanistan and leave "without firing a shot". The extent
to which the Taliban has regrouped has been badly misjudged.
The rash of recent casualties, particularly among
British and Canadian troops, has highlighted the need for a significantly
larger and better-equipped Nato force to take on the Taliban and
establish an environment in which schools and roads can be built
and water and electricity put in place.
That is a tall order, with available and competent
peacekeeping troops already stretched thinly across the globe from
the Balkans to the Congo, and from the Lebanon to Darfur, not to
mention Iraq. But it has to be met. Not just the future of Afghanistan
but the future of Nato is at stake.
|