BASIC Comment
In Foreign Territory
15 June 2006
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The New York Times is right to be concerned
(Leader, June 12, see below) about
Pentagon-led training and equipping of foreign armies. The
British government under Tony Blair has pioneered the language
and policy agenda of security sector reform in recent years.
In particular, the UK government’s Department for International
Development (DFID), supported by the Ministry of Defence and
the Foreign and Commonwealth, has sought to support African
and other states in reforming their country’s security sectors.
Security sector reform recognises that in many
parts of the world, the greatest security threats arise from
circumstances and organizations within states rather
than from military to military inter-state conflict. Often
these threats originate from the state itself in the form
of oppressive internal security measures. Clearly train-and-equip
programmes for such states must be kept under strict observation
to ensure that they adhere to necessary guidelines, but it
also important to recognise such interventions as an opportunity
to think more holistically about the role of security agencies
in wider processes of democratisation and conflict prevention.
While the concept of security sector reform has been quite
rapidly integrated into the mindsets of policy-makers in some
national governments and international organisations (especially
the European Union and the World Bank), it is far from clear
that it is widely accepted in the United States – and especially
in the Pentagon.
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In Foreign Territory
The New York Times, 12 June 2006.
The U.S. Senate plans to begin consideration this
week of the defense authorization bill for the coming year. One
distressing section of the package would reauthorize the Pentagon
to arm and train foreign militaries, something it was first authorized
to do for 2006. Although the money involved represents only a $200
million piece of the half-trillion-dollar Pentagon budget, it marks
the continuation of a dangerous militarization of American foreign
policy.
Traditionally, the authority to train and equip foreign
forces was the territory of the State Department. Arming a foreign
power that does not respect human rights invites disaster. So Congress
requires the State Department to verify that a government meets
certain standards of human rights and democracy before it can receive
assistance.
But no such restrictions impede the Defense Department,
and the danger is more than theoretical. Six of the 10 African nations
the Pentagon proposes to train and equip this year (Algeria, Cameroon,
Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon and Tunisia) have poor human rights
records.
Washington has little control over how recipient countries
choose to wield their newfound might, so train-and-equip programs
must be kept under strict observation to ensure that they adhere
to necessary guidelines. But the Pentagon is notorious for not operating
transparently, and the congressional committees that are supposed
to oversee Pentagon spending are unlikely to spare much attention
for such a small piece of the overall military budget.
Congress should return these programs to State Department
supervision. If it cannot summon the will to do that, it should
at least mandate that the programs financed by the Pentagon conform
to the same democratic and human rights standards that apply when
they are run by the State Department.
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